Skip to main content

Fabricare receipt 01 08 2024

BNP : Its Prodigy Over Time

 

Part 1 : BNP: Its birth History



Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was born in among great turbulent situations of 1976-1977 which a new country like Bangladesh had never faced. On the eve of the 16th December 1977 in his presidential address to the people for the victory day Zia announced that he is going to form a new political front and invited political leaders to join in this front. Meanwhile he was meeting leaders from different political parties separately and sought their opinion regarding the process of democratization. On the very day of 23rd February 1978 he declared his pew party “Jatiyotabadi Ganotantrik Dal (JAGODAL). Zia’s popular 19 points programme which he justified by a referendum on May 30, 1977 helped a lot. Zia declared presidential election on 3rd June 1978. After the victory Zia set his mind to form a wider political alliance with all the democratic nationalist forces. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was formed on this notion on 1st September 1978. The previous JAGODAL merged into BNP.


BNP actually rose against the concept of Bangalee Nationalism in order to establish Bangladeshi Nationalism. It rose to establish communalism against secularism. It rose against the myth of Indian domination. Many people believed that it was nothing but the activities of the shadow of the Pakistan and the support of Islamic world. Whatever might be the myth and reality it was true that BNP was born. It was born to fill a vacuum of time and necessity. It was the child of the time. It was the demand of the situation. It was the result of a good number of mistakes and misleads by their political predecessors. The then people might be right or wrong. It may be justified in the context of the time. But now its activities should be accordingly.


But what happened. They failed. They failed to establish a solid political ground - a sacred and sacrificed political altar where their political faiths and formalities may be stood up. In the current of the time their slogan became fade. It was turned to be a party of the beneficiaries. The main goal of the party failed and the people rejected them as they rejected others. We should keep it in our mind that not the name but the works last. They forgot this truth. The opportunity they got was lost. Who was guilty? The leaders, who were within the party or the people, who supported them blindly but never said the truth that the strategy was wrong. Yes, it was that legend that time is the best healer.




Part 2 : Bangladeshi Nationalism



In Bangladesh, the concept of Bangladeshi Nationalism was established against the concept of Bangalee nationalism. But this was not all about our nationalism. In the subcontinent the Bengal was the vital place where the root of nationalism engraved by the revolutionary activists during the period of 1905 to 1910. Though the concept of nationalism was arisen both in the minds of moderate politicians and revolutionary activists during the same period it was true that the revolutionary activists were successful to show it as a matter of fact. Revolutionary activists, especially Aurobindoo Ghosh, considered it as a religion. But his religion did not mean so called religion. Actually, it was nothing but a principal for him which acts like a religion in human life.


In Bangladesh, the concept of nationalism, Bangalee or Bangladeshi, whatever it is, highly interacted with the concept of religion. For Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of Bangladesh, secularism is the key factor of his Bangalee nationalism and according to his view; secularism is not the state of absence of religion. It means no one will use religion as a political weapon. It is quite different from the basic western idea of secularism where secularism means the separation of politics from the church and that is why the term secular was derived from the term “saeculum”.


But for Zia’s Bangladeshi nationalism, it was the complex composition of secularism and religious concept. Zia did not declare Bangladesh as an Islamic country but Islam as a religion got a priority over all the religions and he introduced Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim at the beginning of the constitution.





Part 3 : Ascending to the power


After the tragic assassination of the father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the late night of 15th August 1975 the then chief of Army Maj. Gen. Shafiullah was relieved and the then Deputy Chief Maj. Gen. Ziaur Rahman well known as “Zia” was promoted to the Chief of Army Staff. Actually that was the rise of the real power of the Bangaladeshi nationalists. After a 90-day puppet government of Moshtaque, Khaled Musharraf couped on 3rd November 1975 and made Justice A. Sayem the President on 6th November 1975. Khaled Musharraf then was murdered by sepoys in a counter coup led by Col. Taher on 7th November 1975.


Justice A. Sayem, the choice of Khaled Mosarraf, remained unchanged and also deposed as the president as well as Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA). Zia became one of the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrators. Soon after Zia took over the CMLA on 19th November 1976 and Justice A. Sayem continued as an ornamental President. Zia became the president on 21st April 1977 retiring Justice A. Sayem. Zia then declared to form a party on 16th December 1977 and formed his party JAGODAL on 23rd February 1978. The presidential election held on 3rd June 1978 helped Zia to become the eleceted president of the country by defeating General M. A. G. Osmani and thus rose to the zenith of the power. After ascending to the power Zia formed the BNP on 1st September 1978.







Part 4 : From cantonment to highway



In 19th November 1976 Zia became the CMLA and 21st April 1977 Zia became the President of Bangladesh. He then formed his political party JAGODAL on 23rd February 1978. He was also elected President in the first election of 3rd June 1978. He then changed his political strategy and formed BNP on 1st September 1978. All the events were the consequences of time and history. They also may be considered as the paradigm of our cultural heritage. But the situation changed when Ershad resigned and the election of 1991 took place.



The picturesque of the election got a surprising turn and BNP came to the power with a majority. That was real enjoyment of power which started on 20th march 1991 and lasted till 30th March 1996. Actually, it was also the time of mistakes and misleads. That is why they failed in the election of 1996 and sent them to the out of court for five years. That was the first time they came to the highway in order to be restored in the power. They were successful in their first fight and again came to the power on 10th October 2001 and remained in the power till 29th October 2006. But they lost the tempo and grossly mitch match the economy of the country which helped the country to be happened 1/11. After two years of uncertainty they were jolted out in the election of 2008.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

মিথ-পুরাণ ও বিষ্ণু দে-র কবিতা / সৈয়দ কওসর জামাল

মিথ কী ও কেন মিথ বিষয়টিকে জানা ও বোঝার জন্য বিগত শতকের মধ্যবর্তী সময় থেকে নৃতত্ত্ববিদ, সমাজবিদ, এমনকি সাহিত্য সাহিত্য সমালোচকের মধ্যে উৎসাহের অন্ত নেই। অজ¯্র গ্রন্ত এ বিষয়ে রচিত হয়েছে। বিচিত্র এসবের বিষয়, বিচিত্র এইসব গবেষকদের দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি। এই প্রেক্ষিতে মিথের কোনো  সৃনির্দিষ্ট সংজ্ঞা নির্ধারণ করা বেশ দুরুহ। কোনো পক্ষ থেকে নৃতত্বের পাঠকদের জানানো হয়েছে যে প্রাচীন ও আধুনিক সাহিত্যে তারা যে মিথের ব্যবহার দেখে থাকেন, তা আসলে মিথ-ই নয়। কেননা তাদের কোনো ধর্মীয় ও আনুষ্ঠানিক সংযোগ নেই। কেউ আবার আধুনিক লেখদের ‘মিথোম্যানিয়া’ সম্পর্কেও পাঠকদের সতর্ক করেছেন, কারণ এ হল ইতিহাস থেকে প্রতিক্রিয়াশীল পশ্চাদপসারণ। এ সব সত্ত্বেও সাহিত্য মিথের ব্যবহার সক্রিয় আর বুদ্ধিবৃত্তি বা নন্দনতত্ত্বের সঙ্গে মানিয়ে চলার ক্ষমতা মিথের আছে। বরং নৃতত্ত্ব ও মনোবিজ্ঞান মিথ সম্পর্কে আমাদের আগ্রহ আরো বাড়িয়ে দিয়েছে। মিথ সম্পর্কে ব্যাখ্যাও জটিল হয়েছে। প্রত্যেকটি শাখার গবেষকরাই তাদের নিজস্ব তত্ত্বের আলোকে মিথকে সংজ্ঞায়িত করার চেষ্টা করেছেন। এখানে আমাদের বলার কথা এই যে মানবসমাজের গোড়ায় আদিম ধর্মীয় স্তর থেকে অবচেতন  মনের আধুনিক অ

ইতিহাসের কবি, কবির ইতিহাস : জীবনানন্দ দাশ / সৈয়দ কওসর জামাল

What thou lov`st is thy true heritage! উত্তরাধিকার হিসেবে আমরা যা কিছু পাই, তার মধ্যেকার ভালোটুকু এবং ইতিহাসের প্রতি যথাযথ দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি প্রকাশের ক্ষেত্রে এজরা পাউন্ডের এই পংক্তিটি প্রবাদ হয়ে আছে। এই হেরিটেজ-এর প্রতি মমত্ব যেমন সমাজবদ্ধ মানুষের সহজাত, কবিও তেমনি এখানে খুঁজে পান তাঁর ইতিহাসচেতনার আধারটিকে। হেরিটেজ যেমন ইতিহাস হয়ে ওঠে, এই ইতিহাসও তেমনি কবিতার হেরিটেজ হয়ে যায়। ইতিহাস বিচ্ছুরিত আলো কবির মুখে পড়ে, আর কবিতাও সেই আলোর স্পর্শ পায়।     ইতিহাসে আছে আমাদের রাষ্ট্রীয় ও সমাজজীবনের এক ব্যাপক বিস্তার। এই বিস্তারের দিকে কবিকেও চোখ রাখতে হয়। তবে তা পুঙ্খানুপুঙ্খ তথ্যের জন্য নয়, ইতিহাসের ভিতরের সারসত্যটুকু ও ইতিহাসের মর্মকথাটিকে নিজস্ব দৃষ্টিভঙ্গির অলোকে খুঁজে নেওয়ার জন্য। কবির চেতনার আলোকে ইতিহাসের দুএকটি মর্মকথা বা সত্যসূত্র শুধু উদ্ভাসিত হয়ে ওঠে। একেই আমরা কবির ইতিহাসচেতনার বলি, যা বহুস্তরীয়, আর তাকে প্রকাশিত হতে দেখি কবিতায় কতো বিচিত্র ভঙ্গিতে। কাব্যপ্রক্রিয়ার এই চেতনা অতি সূক্ষ্মভাবে এক বিশেষ মাত্রা যোগ করে দেয়। অন্য সে কবিতা ইতিহাস নয় ইতিহাসের সারমর্মটুকু বুকে ধরে রাখে। ইতিহাসপাঠে

NAZRUL ISLAM MAZUMDER : THE CHOICE OF THE TIME (a biography)

NAZRUL ISLAM MAZUMDER The choice of the time “The purpose of a business is to create a customer who creates customers.” -          Shiv Shing # NASSA GROUP # 30,000 employees #EXIM Bank # 3,000 employees And so on……….. A Biography By OMAR KHALED RUMI M. Sc., MBA, LL.B     ...................................................... “Patience, persistence and perspiration make an unbeatable combination for success.”    - Napoleon Hill   ...................................................... Prlogue Like another man Nazrul Islam Mazunder is also a man. But, how he has made some stories of success. Why people consider him as a special. Why he is applaused as Philanthropic in mind, dynamic in thinking, far-sighted in vision. There must some reasons. The reason is what he wanted himself he has been now. Mazumder, a conglomerate icon, in no way, a trifle name. His success, over years, mak