Knowledge
The Qur'an
"O my Lord!
Increase my knowledge." [20:114]
"Are those
equal, those who know and those who do not know?” [39:9]
One of the distinctive features of
Islam is its emphasis on knowledge. The Qur'an and the Islamic tradition
(Sunnah) invite Muslims to seek and acquire knowledge and wisdom and to hold
men of knowledge in high esteem. The word al-Ilm, knowledge, and its
derivatives are used more than 780 times in the Qur'an. The first few verses
mention the importance of reading, pen, and teaching for human beings.
The Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) told
Muslims “seek knowledge, even if it be in China.”
Rarely is Islam viewed as a source of
inspiration and enlightenment. It was the Muslims who preserved the knowledge
of antiquity, elaborated upon it, and finally, passed it on to Europe. Islam
had spread from Al-Andalus in Spain to the borders of China. Islam unified
science, theology, and philosophy. Muslims were commanded to study, seek
knowledge, and learn and benefit from others' experiences. This inspired the
Muslims to great heights in sciences, medicine, mathematics, astronomy,
chemistry, philosophy, art and architecture. Muslim scholars began obtaining
Greek treatises and started their study and translation into Arabic a few
centuries after the Hijrah (622 A.D.) They critically analyzed, collated,
corrected and supplemented substantially the Greek science and philosophy.
During the time of Harun al-Rashid (786-809) the Muslims built a library which contained both originals and translations of almost any then known scientific work in Sanskrit, Persian and Greek. His son, Caliph al-Mamun continued the tradition of philosophy and science and established in Baghdad his Bayt al-Hikmah (House of Wisdom), a library and academy. Here the objective was to collect all scientific works, translate them into Arabic and copy and bind them into books to preserve them.
“. . . we have underestimated the
importance of 800 years of Islamic society and culture in Spain between the 8th
and 15th centuries. The contribution of Muslim Spain to the preservation of
classical learning during the Dark Ages, and to the first flowerings of the
Renaissance, has long been recognised. But Islamic Spain was much more than a
mere larder where Hellenistic knowledge was kept for later consumption by the
emerging modern Western world. Not only did Muslim Spain gather and preserve
the intellectual content of ancient Greek and Roman civilisation, it also
interpreted and expanded upon that civilisation, and made a vital contribution
of its own in so many fields of human endeavour - in science, astronomy,
mathematics, algebra (itself an Arabic word), law, history, medicine,
pharmacology, optics, agriculture, architecture, theology, music. Averroes and
Avenzoor, like their counterparts Avicenna and Rhazes in the East, contributed
to the study and practice of medicine in ways from which Europe benefited for
centuries afterwards.
Islam nurtured and preserved the quest for learning. In the words of the tradition, 'the ink of the scholar is more sacred than the blood of the martyr'. Cordoba in the 10th century was by far the most civilised city of Europe. We know of lending libraries in Spain at the time King Alfred was making terrible blunders with the culinary arts in this country. It is said that the 400,000 volumes in its ruler's library amounted to more books than all the libraries of the rest of Europe put together. That was made possible because the Muslim world acquired from China the skill of making paper more than 400 years before the rest of non-Muslim Europe. Many of the traits on which modern Europe prides itself came to it from Muslim Spain. Diplomacy, free trade, open borders, the techniques of academic research, of anthropology, etiquette, fashion, various types of medicine, hospitals, all came from this great city of cities.
Medieval Islam was a religion of
remarkable tolerance for its time, allowing Jews and Christians the right to
practice their inherited beliefs, and setting an example which was not,
unfortunately, copied for many centuries in the West. The surprise, ladies and
gentlemen, is the extent to which Islam has been a part of Europe for so long,
first in Spain, then in the Balkans, and the extent to which it has contributed
so much towards the civilisation which we all too often think of, wrongly, as
entirely Western. Islam is part of our past and our present, in all fields of
human endeavour. It has helped to create modern Europe. It is part of our own
inheritance, not a thing apart.”
Early Islamic philosophy or classical
Islamic philosophy is a period of intense philosophical development beginning
in the 2nd century AH of the Islamic calendar (early 9th century CE) and
lasting until the 6th century AH (late 12th century CE). The period is known as
the Islamic Golden Age, and the achievements of this period had a crucial
influence in the development of modern philosophy and science. This period
starts with al-Kindi in the 9th century and ends with Averroes (Ibn Rushd) at
the end of 12th century. The death of Averroes effectively marks the end of a
particular discipline of Islamic philosophy usually called the Peripatetic
Arabic School, and philosophical activity declined significantly in Western
Islamic countries, namely in Islamic Spain and North Africa, though it
persisted for much longer in the Eastern countries, in particular Persia and
India where several schools of philosophy continued to flourish: Avicennism,
Illuminationist philosophy, Mystical philosophy, and Transcendent theosophy.
Some of the significant achievements of early Muslim philosophers included the development of a strict science of citation, the isnad or "backing"; the development of a method of open inquiry to disprove claims, the ijtihad, which could be generally applied to many types of questions (although which to apply it to is an ethical question); the willingness to both accept and challenge authority within the same process; recognition that science and philosophy are both subordinate to morality, and that moral choices are prior to any investigation or concern with either; the separation of theology (kalam) and law (shariah) during the early Abbasid period, a precursor to secularism;[1] the distinction between religion and philosophy, marking the beginning of secular thought; the beginning of a peer review process; early ideas on evolution; the beginnings of the scientific method, an important contribution to the philosophy of science; the first forms of non-Aristotelian logic and the introduction of temporal modal logic and inductive logic; the beginning of social philosophy, including the formulation of theories on social cohesion and social conflict; the beginning of the philosophy of history; the development of the philosophical novel and the concepts of empiricism and tabula rasa; and distinguishing between essence and existence.
Thomas Aquinas knew of at least some of
the Mutazilite work, particularly Avicennism and Averroism, and the Renaissance
and the use of empirical methods were inspired at least in part by Arabic works
translated into Latin during the Renaissance of the 12th century, and taken
during the Reconquista in 1492.
[Wikipedia]
[Wikipedia]
Al-Ghazali
One of the greatest figures in Islamic
philosophy is held to be al-Ghazali [1058-1111], who was a jurist, theologian,
philosopher and mystic. In philosophy, Ghazali upheld the approach of
mathematics and Ghazali wrote many books including Tuhafut al-Falasifa (The
Incoherence of the Philosophers) and Ihya al-Ulum al-Islamia (The Revival of
the Islamic Sciences). Ghazali's influence was deep. His theological doctrines
penetrated Europe and influenced Jewish and Christian Scholasticism and Thomas
Aquinas.
Ibn Rushd
Another great philosopher was Ibn Rushd
[1126-1198], a jurist, and interpreter of the Shari'ah. Ibn Rushd was a
rationalist and wrote about religion and philosophy. He wrote commentaries on
Aristotle, to such an extent that in the West he was known as "The
Commentator" contributing thereby to the rediscovery of the ‘Master',
after centuries of near-total oblivion in Western Europe. That discovery was
instrumental in launching Latin Scholasticism and, in due course, the European
Renaissance of the fifteenth century. Ibn Rushd's influence on Medieval and
Renaissance European history is found to be greater than that of his influence
on the Islamic world. A common theme throughout his writings is that there is
no incompatibility between religion and philosophy when both are properly
understood.
Ibn Khaldun
Ibn Khaldun's (1332-1395) main
contribution as another leading Muslim scholar lies in the philosophy of
history and sociology. The Muqaddimah, his monumental work identified
psychological, economic, environmental and social facts that contributed to the
advancement of human civilizations and the currents of history as opposed to
just the political context of earlier writers. He analyzed the dynamics of
group relationships and showed how group feelings, al-'Asabiyya, give rise to
the ascent of a new civilization and political power and how, later on, its
diffusion into a more general civilization invited the beginning of a still new
'Asabiyya in its pure form. He identified an almost rhythmic repetition of rise
and fall in human civilization and analysed factors contributing to it. His
contribution to history is marked by the fact that, unlike most earlier writers
who interpreted history through the political context, he emphasised
environmental, sociological, psychological and economic factors governing the
apparent events. This revolutionised the science of history and also laid the
foundation of Umraniyat (Sociology).
The Islamic Financial System
While elimination of "Riba"
or interest in all its forms is an important feature of the Islamic financial
system, Islamic banking is much more. At the heart of Islam is a sense of
cooperation, to help one another according to principles of goodness and piety
(but not to cooperate in evil or malice). In essence, it aims to eliminate
exploitation and to establish a just society by the application of the Shari'ah
or Islamic rulings to the operations of banks and other financial
institutions. To ensure compliance to the Shari'ah, Islamic banks use the
services of religious boards comprised of Shari'ah scholars.
Islamic finance may be viewed as a form of ethical investing, or ethical lending, except that no loans are possible unless they are interest-free. Among the ethical restrictions is the prohibition on alcohol and gambling and the consumption of pork. Islamic funds would never knowingly invest in companies involved in gambling, alcoholic beverages, or porcine food products
Its practitioners and clients need not be Muslim, but they must accept the ethical restrictions underscored by Islamic values.
The Concepts
Islamic economic principles offers a balance between extreme capitalism and communism. It offers the individual the freedom to produce and create wealth, while surrounding the individual with an environment controlled, not by human rulers, but by Divine Guidance, which sets moral rules and norms of behaviour that must require the utmost sincerity of intention. When these rules and norms are internalised and acted upon by people, peace and prosperity result for the wider society.
Islamic economic principles offers a balance between extreme capitalism and communism. It offers the individual the freedom to produce and create wealth, while surrounding the individual with an environment controlled, not by human rulers, but by Divine Guidance, which sets moral rules and norms of behaviour that must require the utmost sincerity of intention. When these rules and norms are internalised and acted upon by people, peace and prosperity result for the wider society.
The Qur'an (2:30) says that man was
created as the representative of God on earth. This concept has a considerable
effect on Islamic business, since the lack of a sense of absolute ownership
promotes a sense working for society, especially the needy.
This is not some philosophical concept,
removed from the daily life of the society. It manifests itself in all the
different aspects of lives. What makes the trader, banker, agriculturist or
research and development scientist perform his job to the best of his ability?
In capitalist economies, it is the notion of competition. This involves the
necessity to constantly produce more new things for profit to keep up with
others and this makes for wastage and often generates unbridled greed. But in
an economy based on Islamic principles, the idea of man representing God on
earth gives businessmen a feeling of co-operating with others for the good of
society as a whole, including himself. Thus Quranic guidance enables man to
conserve and use prudently all the resources of the earth that God has given
mankind.
The Essentials
Divine Guidance for the economy, as
enshrined in the Qur'an and the Sunnah (the living example of Prophet Muhammad),
can be summarised as follows:
1. Trusteeship
The Qur'an (57:7) emphasises that all
the resources of the earth belong to God, the Creator, who has made human
beings a trustee for them. Humans are therefore accountable to God for the uses
they make of these resources. The idea of trusteeship distinguishes the Islamic
approach to economics from materialistic approaches such as extreme capitalism
and socialism. It introduces a moral and spiritual element into business life
and has been made practicable by creating rules to govern individual behaviour
and public policy.
2. Care For Others
Care for others tempers self-interest,
which is ingrained in human nature. It goes naturally with trusteeship, since,
in caring for others, one also serves God, who created all humans. No one can
have fulfilment or happiness in his life without interacting with others. Thus
individual happiness and collective interests go hand in hand.
We gain through giving, since it would
be impossible for everyone to acquire while giving nothing. The Qur'an states
this in 30:39 and 2:276. It follows that Islam discourages indulgence in
luxuries. One is expected to consider what is available to others before
acquiring good things for oneself. Moderation in consumption is mentioned in
the Qur'an 7:31.
People who believe that they can
increase their wealth through charging others interest and by reducing
charitable giving are under an illusion. The wealth and integrity of a society
can only increase when the rich give part of their wealth to the needy for no
other motivation than to please God. Those who have faith and a vision of their
future life understand this.
To think only of how to gain profit for
oneself leads to using others as mere instruments. In societies where unbridled
self-interest is allowed to dominate unchecked, there is no protection for the
weak against the strong. Thus exclusive pursuit of self-interest, when not
tempered by charity, is self- defeating.
3. Productive Effort as a Means of
Serving God
Islam emphasises the duty of every
individual to work for his living. Productive enterprise is looked upon as a
means of serving God (2:195).
Islam requires wealth to be spent in
the cause of God. This realisation moves Muslims to greater efforts in their
economic activities. The fourteenth-century thinker Abu Ishaq Shatibi, writing
of the companions of the Prophet, said,
"They were expert in business
enterprise, keen and persistent in a variety of economic pursuits. They did not
do so to amass wealth or save it for themselves; rather their aim was to spend
their earnings in good causes.” (Shatibi, Al-Muwafiqaat fi Usul al-Shari'ah,
Vol. 2, p188, Cairo, Maktaba al Tijarah al-Kubra.)
In the west, it is now considered
enough to merely to ‘enjoy life', work being an unfortunate necessity. But in
Islam, it is seen that working for a living gives man a sense of worthiness in
his society. To support a family and contribute to others with any surplus
enables one to take one's part in consultations on practical, social matters,
so that all can benefit.
4. Application of the Shari'ah Rulings
to Business
The aim of the Shari'ah rulings is to
make the transfer of goods safe and easy and to facilitate economic
transactions by eliminating vagueness or misunderstanding in all types of
contracts. It prohibits the charging of interest on loans as a form of
injustice. The goal is to remove the causes of social tension or litigation and
to promote a climate of peace and goodwill. Islam strongly recommends that the
terms of financial agreements be put in writing.
5. Mutual Consultation
Men are free to make private economic
decisions, but decisions concerning the public welfare must be based on
consultation. The Qur'an describes Muslims as a people "whose rule (in all
matters of common concern) is by consultation among themselves.” (42:39).
Mutual consultation avoids society or local communities coming under the rule
of a dictator and makes sure that reasonable decisions acceptable to all are
made.
6. Treating Wealth as a Means and not
an End
Islam regards economic well being as a
means to peace, freedom from hunger and freedom from fear of others, except
God. Beyond the satisfaction of basic needs, the ultimate objectives of earning
and spending money are moral and spiritual. It is against Islamic rationality
to hoard money (9:34, 35).
It follows that savings must be put to
good use. One who cannot go into business himself can do so in partnership with
others, or can supply funds on a profit-sharing basis. People can also borrow
and lend, but it is forbidden for the lender to claim interest from the
borrower as this is unjust (2:275). Islam prohibits gambling, cheating,
exploitation, coercion, etc., but freedom to make financial arrangements is
constrained only by these few prohibitions and by the Islamic tendency to treat
money as a means to the good life.
Proper Functioning of the Market
Islam prohibits dishonesty, fraud and
deception, coercive practices, gambling and usurious and injurious dealings.
Hoarding, speculation and collusion among producers and traders against the
interest of consumers, and such monopolies as are injurious to the
socio-economic health of society are all ruled out. The basic principles
regulating market operations in an Islamic state are:
a) A person should be free to buy, sell
or dispose of his possessions and money within the framework of the Shari'ah.
b) There is no restriction on the
percentage of profit which a trader may make. It is left to him and depends on
the business environment and the nature of the goods. However, moderation,
contentment and leniency must be taken into consideration.
c) The Shari'ah emphasises avoiding
illicit acts detrimental to the wellbeing of society or the individual.
d) The State should not fix prices
except where there are artificial factors in the market which may lead to excessive
price increases or decreases or fraud. If there are such, the State should
intervene to remove these factors.
7. Protection of Consumers
The State should insure that producers,
manufacturers and traders do not exploit each other or the buyers. It should
curb adulteration, under-weighing, encroachment of thoroughfares, unhealthy
trades and unlawful professions and maintain good, firm employee relationships.
8. Monopolies and Cartels
Industrialists in a free and
competitive economy can form cartels and monopolies and exploit people and a
firm law is needed to control them. No unjust, oppressive or cheating business
can be allowed to continue in an Islamic economy.
9. Zakat or Zakah
Zakat is a levy on certain categories
of wealth. It can be collected and distributed by the government and is
obligatory only on Muslims. It is applicable to income and savings,
agricultural harvests, commercial goods, gold and silver over certain amounts,
some categories of livestock, excavated treasures, mined wealth, etc.
In accordance with the Qur'an (9:60),
the proceeds from zakat are paid to the poor, the sick and destitute and to
travellers, especially those seeking education or going on pilgrimage.
The Islamic view of distributive
justice is contained in the three points: a guarantee of the fulfilment of
basic needs; equality of opportunity; and elimination of glaring inequalities
in personal income and wealth. Zakat also acts as an excellent form of social
insurance.
10. Qard Hasan
Qard hasan is a Quranic term meaning an
interest-free loan. It was the primary source of financing introduced by the
Prophet after entering Medina and was used primarily for productive economic
purposes, such as setting up qualified, but poor, people in trade and
agriculture.
What is Islamic Banking?
Islamic banking refers to a system of
banking or banking activity that is consistent with the principles of the
Shari'ah (Islamic rulings) and its practical application through the
development of Islamic economics. The principles which emphasise moral and
ethical values in all dealings have wide universal appeal. Shari'ah prohibits
the payment or acceptance of interest charges (riba) for the lending and
accepting of money, as well as carrying out trade and other activities that
provide goods or services considered contrary to its principles. While these
principles were used as the basis for a flourishing economy in earlier times,
it is only in the late 20th century that a number of Islamic banks were formed
to provide an alternative basis to Muslims although Islamic banking is not
restricted to Muslims.
Islamic banking has the same purpose as
conventional banking except that it operates in accordance with the rules of
Shari’ah, known as Fiqh al-Muamalat (Islamic rules on transactions). Islamic
banking activities must be practiced consistent with the Shari’ah and its
practical application through the development of Islamic economics. Many of
these principles upon which Islamic banking is based are commonly accepted all
over the world, for centuries rather than decades. These principles are not new
but arguably, their original state has been altered over the centuries.
The principle source of the Shari’ah is The Qur’an followed by the recorded sayings and actions of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) – the Hadith. Where solutions to problems cannot be found in these two sources, rulings are made based on the consensus of a community leaned scholars, independent reasoning of an Islamic scholar and custom, so long as such rulings to not deviate from the fundamental teachings in The Qur’an.
It is evident that Islamic finance was practiced predominantly in the Muslim world throughout the Middle Ages, fostering trade and business activities. In Spain and the Mediterranean and Baltic States, Islamic merchants became indispensable middlemen for trading activities. It is claimed that many concepts, techniques, and instruments of Islamic finance were later adopted by European financiers and businessmen.
The revival of Islamic banking coincided with the world-wide celebration of the advent of the 15th Century of Islamic calendar (Hijra) in 1976. At the same time financial resources of Muslims particularly those of the oil producing countries, received a boost due to rationalisation of the oil prices, which had hitherto been under the control of foreign oil Corporations. These events led Muslims' to strive to model their lives in accordance with the ethics and principles of Islam.
Disenchantment with the value neutral capitalist and socialist financial systems led not only Muslims but also others to look for ethical values in their financial dealings and in the West some financial organisations have opted for ethical operations.
Origin
The origin of the modern Islamic bank
can be traced back to the very birth of Islam when the Prophet himself acted as
an agent for his wife's trading operations. Islamic partnerships (mudarabah)
dominated the business world for centuries and the concept of interest found
very little application in day-to-day transactions.
Such partnerships performed an
important economic function. They combined the three most important factors of
production, namely: capital, labour and entrepreneurship, the latter two
functions usually combined in one person. The capital-owner contributed the
money and the partner managed the business. Each shared in a pre-determined
share of the profits. If there was a loss, the capital-provider lost his money
and the manager lost his time and labour.
Commercial Banks in Muslim Lands:
Western commercial banks date from
about two and a quarter centuries ago, when the western world was dispensing
with moral and ethical considerations in economics. When the Muslim world came
into contact with the west, Muslims had two choices:
a) To accept commercial banking,
arguing that the interest charged by them did not contain the element of riba
prohibited in the Qur'an; or,
b) To accept that interest charged was
riba and try to develop an alternative system of banking.
But ancient Muslim institutions, such
as the Shari'ah courts, had been made ineffective by the colonial powers.
Muslims had no alternative but to work with the colonial institutions,
including commercial banking.
Nevertheless, during the 19th century,
several religious scholars argued that the term riba referred to loans for
consumption, which people found it difficult to repay, and not to commercial
banking loans, where the debtor can repay from the profits.
But the Qur'an makes no distinction
between loans for consumption and loans for productive purposes. So their views
were rejected. As a consequence, modern commercial banking did not make much
headway in Muslim countries and to this day the presents of the conventional
framework still dominates the national financial system.
Early Western PLS Proposals
Equity-participation systems had been
proposed at various times of economic crises in the United States and Latin
America. The most ardent proponent of these was American Economist, Henry
Simons (1899 – 1946), who, in the 1930s, argued that the traditional fractional
reserve banking system was inherently unstable and should be replaced by two
separate financial institutions:
- Deposit banks, which would maintain 100% reserves. They could not fail the depositors and could not create or destroy effective money. They would simply accept deposits.
- Investment trusts, which would perform the lending functions of existing banks. Such companies would obtain funds for lending by selling their own stock.
Simons' call for a distinction between
the payments and portfolio functions of banks, and for 100% reserve requirement
in the former, was rejected at the time, but interest in Simons' ideas has
remained.
Many reasons have been advanced for the
possible instability of the traditional banking system. Simons suggested that
the basic flaw was that as a crisis develops and earnings fall, banks make
loans to increase reserves. However, each bank can do so only at the expense of
other banks and thus some banks become insolvent.
The bank failures in the U.S. during
the 1980s revived interest in equity-based proposals and the separation of the
payment of deposits from the portfolio activities of banks. The proposals made
were strikingly similar to the Islamic systems now being implemented, at least
on the deposit side. But the Islamic system goes further, requiring that loans
made by banks should also be equity-based.
Islamic Banks in the 20th Century
When, in the1960s, Muslim thinkers
began to explore ways and means of organising commercial banking on an
interest-free basis, economists dismissed their work as wishful thinking.
But, in 1963, in Mit Ghamr, in Egypt,
the first Islamic interest-free bank came into being. Mt Ghamr was a rural area
and the people were religious. They did not place their savings in any bank,
knowing that interest was forbidden in Islam. In these circumstances, the task
was not only to respect Islamic values concerning interest, but also to educate
the people about the use of banking.
The following types of accounts were
accepted:
a) Savings accounts
b) Investment accounts
c) Zakat accounts
b) Investment accounts
c) Zakat accounts
No interest was paid on savings
accounts, but withdrawals could be made on demand. Small, short-term,
interest-free loans for productive purposes could be made. Funds in investment
accounts were subject to restricted withdrawals and invested on the basis of
profit- sharing. The zakat account attracted the official amount of zakat.
The Mit Ghamr project was successful,
as deposits increased from 1963 to 1966. The bank was cautious, rejecting about
60% of loan applications and the default ratio was zero in economically good
times. But project was eventually abandoned for political reasons.
Nevertheless, it had shown that commercial banking could be organised on a
non-interest basis.
Islamic Banking Principles
The Shari’ah prohibits the payment of
charges for the renting of money (riba, which in the definition of Islamic
scholars covers any excess in financial dealings, usury or interest) for
specific terms, as well as investing in businesses that provide goods or
services considered contrary to its principles (Haram, forbidden). While these
principles were used as the basis for a flourishing economy in earlier times,
it is only in the late 20th century that a number of Islamic banks were formed
to apply these principles to private or semi-private commercial institutions
within the Muslim community.
"While a basic tenant of Islamic banking - the outlawing of riba, a term that encompasses not only the concept of usury, but also that of interest - has seldom been recognised as applicable beyond the Islamic world, many of its guiding principles have. The majority of these principles are based on simple morality and common sense, which form the bases of many religions, including Islam.
"The universal nature of these principles is immediately apparent even at a cursory glance of non-Muslim literature. Usury was prohibited in both the Old and New Testaments of the Bible, while Shakespeare and many other writers, particularly those writing in the 19th century, have attacked the barbarity of the practice. Much of the morality championed by Victorian writers such as Dickens - ranging from the equitable distribution of wealth through to man's fundamental right to work - is clearly present in modern Islamic society.
"Although the western media frequently suggest that Islamic banking in its present form is a recent phenomenon, in fact, the basic practices and principles date back to the early part of the seventh century." (Islamic Finance: A Euromoney Publication, 1997)
Theoretical Basis for Islamic Banking
A popular belief persists that Islamic
banking is simply an interest-free financial structure. But, in fact, Islamic
economics is a complete system of social and economic justice. It deals with
property rights, the incentive system, the allocation of resources, economic
freedom and decision-making and the proper role of government.
Western bankers have said that savings and investments would soon dry up if interest were not paid. But this is due to identifying "rate of interest" and "rate of return". The Qur'an says: "God has permitted trade, but forbidden riba (interest)” (2:275). Therefore it is only the fixed, or predetermined, return on savings or transactions that is forbidden, not an uncertain rate of return, such as the making of profit.
Modern Justifications for Interest
Modern economists have developed many arguments to justify interest.
One argument is that interest is the
reward for saving; a compensation that the creditor pays the debtor for the
latter's temporary loss of the use of capital.
Another is that interest is the payment
for the loss in value of money due to inflation. The goods the saver wants will
cost more in the future, so he is justified in charging a rent for the use of
his loan.
John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946) argued
that money is the most liquid of assets, that is to say, it is the asset most
readily exchangeable for other forms of assets and that interest is the price
paid for loss of liquidity.
The theory that interest protects
savings from inflation neither explains why the rate of interest is,
nevertheless, always above the rate of inflation, nor does it question the
proposition that inflation is the cause of interest. Nor do these theories
answer the question as to why interest should be the market regulator for the
supply and demand of money. Why should interest be paid for one's postponement
of enjoyment of present goods, or paid for abstaining from diminishing one's
present capital, which would otherwise be diminished by the ravages of time and
consumption?
Basis
of Islamic Banking
In order to be Islamic, the banking
system has to avoid interest. Consequently, much of the literature on the
theory of Islamic banking has grown out of a concern as to how the monetary and
banking system would function if interest were abolished by law.
Another Islamic principle is that there
should be no reward without risk-bearing. This principle is applicable to both
labour and capital. As no payment is allowed to labour unless it is applied to
work, so no reward for capital should be allowed unless it is exposed to
business risks.
Consider two persons, one of whom has
capital but no special skills in business, while the other has managerial
skills but possesses no capital. They can co-operate in either of two ways:
- Debt-financing (the western loan system). The businessman borrows the capital from the capital-owner and invests it in his trade. The capital-owner is to get back his principal and an additional amount on the basis of a fixed rate, called the interest rate, as his compensation for parting with liquidity for a fixed period. The claim of the lender for repayment of the principal plus the payment of the interest becomes viable only after the expiry of this period. This payment is due irrespective of whether the businessman has made a profit using the borrowed money. In the event of a loss, the borrower has to repay the principal amount of the loan, as well as the accrued interest, from his own resources, while the capital-owner loses nothing. Islam views this as an unjust transaction.
- Mudarabah (the Islamic way, or PLS). The two persons co-operate with each other on the basis of partnership, where the capital-owner provides the capital and the other party puts his management skills into the business. The capital-owner is not involved in the actual day-to-day operation of the business, but is free to stipulate certain conditions that he may deem necessary to ensure the best use of his funds. After the expiry of the period, which may be the termination of the contract or such time that returns are obtained from the business, the capital-owner gets back his principal amount together with a pre-agreed share of the profit.
The ratio in which the total profits of
the enterprise are distributed between the capital-owner and the manager of the
enterprise is determined and mutually agreed at the time of entering the
contract, before the beginning of the project. In the event of loss, the
capital-owner bears all the loss and the principal is reduced by the amount of
the loss. It is the risk of loss that entitles the capital-owner to a share in
the profits. The manager bears no financial loss, because he has lost his time
and his work has been wasted. This is, in essence, the principle of mudarabah.
There are at least three reasons for
considering the mudarabah relationship to be more just than the creditor-debtor
relationship:
(i) Both parties agree on the ratio in which profits will be shared between them.
(ii) The treatment of both parties is uniform in the event of loss, since if the provider of the capital suffers a reduction of his principal, the manager is deprived of a reward for his labour, time and effort.
(iii) Both parties are treated equally if there is any violation of the agreement. If the manager violates anyone of the stipulated conditions, or if he does not work, or is instrumental in causing loss to the business by negligence or bad management, he will have to bear the responsibility for the safe return of the whole amount in question. If, on the other hand, the provider of the capital violates any of the stipulated conditions, for example, by withdrawing his funds before the stipulated time, or by not providing part or full funds at the promised time, etc., he will have to pay the manager a reward equivalent to what he would have earned in similar work.
Mudarabah is the basis of modern
Islamic banking on a two-tier basis.
1st tier: The depositors put their money into the bank's investment
account and agree to share profits with it. In this case, the depositors are
the providers of the capital and the bank functions as the manager of funds.
2nd tier: Entrepreneurs seek finance from the bank for their businesses on the condition that profits accruing from their business will be shared between them and the bank in a mutually agreed proportion, but that any loss will be borne by the bank only. In this case, the bank functions as the provider of capital and the entrepreneur functions as the manager.
Islam argues that there is no
justifiable reason why a person should enjoy an increase in wealth from the use
of his money by another, unless he is prepared to expose his wealth to the risk
of loss also. Islam views true profit as a return for entrepreneurial effort
and objects to money being placed on a pedestal above labour, the other factor
in production. As long as the owner of money is willing to become a shareholder
in the enterprise and expose his money to the risk of loss, he is entitled to
receive a just proportion of the profits and not merely a merely nominal share
based on the prevailing interest rate.
Thus, under an Islamic banking system,
the cost of capital is not analogous to a zero interest rate, as some people
wrongly assume it to be. The only difference between Islamic banking and
interest-based banking in this respect is that the cost of capital in
interest-based banking is a predetermined fixed rate, while in Islamic banking;
it is expressed as a ratio of profit.
The records of banks that have been
involved in PLS show that they have usually provided higher returns to their
depositors than those who have used such transitory instruments as cost-plus
and leasing. PLS is thus the real goal of Islamic banking.
Rules of Permissibility
Muslims believe that all things have
been provided by God, and the benefits derived from them, are essentially for
man’s use, and so are permissible except what is expressly prohibited in The
Qur’an or Hadith. When guidance is not clearly given in he Qur’an there are
several other sources of law. For example, guidance can be sought from Fiqh,
which means ‘understanding’ and is the science of jurisprudence: the science of
human intelligence, debate and discussion
Prohitbition
of Interest
Riba best translated today as the
charging of any interest, meaning money earned on the lending out of money
itself. The prohibition on paying or receiving fixed interest is based on the
Islamic tenet that money is only a medium of exchange, a way of defining the
value of a thing; it has no value in itself, and therefore should not be
allowed to give rise to more money, via fixed interest payments, simply by
being put in a bank or lent to someone else. The human effort, initiative, and
risk involved in a productive venture are more important than the money used to
finance it.
Money in Islam is not regarded as an asset from which it is ethically permissible to earn a direct return. Money tends to be viewed purely as a medium of exchange. Interest can leads to injustice and exploitation in society; The Qur’an (2:279) characterises it as unfair, as implied by the word zulm (oppression, exploitation, opposite of adl i.e. justice)
There is no real 'lending' in Islam since all 'lenders' obtain ownership interests in the assets that they finance, or earn a profit-share or purely fee-based remuneration. In order for an Islamic bank to earn a return on money lent, it is necessary to obtain an equity, or ownership, interest in a non-monetary asset. This requires the lender to also participate in the sharing of risk.
Individuals and the world as a whole probably know too well the burden of interest and misery and suffering that irresponsible lenders have inflicted on individuals and societies. It has become so completely institutionalised and accepted in modern economies that it is almost impossible to conceive that there are some who completely oppose it and refuse to enter into any transactions that involve interest.
Islam's prohibition of interest and usury was not unprecedented. The early Jewish and Christian traditions also forbade riba. Even the renowned Greek philosopher, Aristotle, condemned acquiring of wealth by the practice of charging interest on money.
“Very much disliked also is the practice of charging interest: and the dislike is fully justified for interest is a yield arising out of money itself, not a product of that for which money was provided. Money was intended to be a means of exchange; interest represents an increase in the money itself. Hence of all ways of getting wealth, this is the most contrary to nature." Aristotle, The Politics, tr. Sinclair, pg. 46, Penguin
“Do not charge your brother interest, whether on money or food or anything else that may earn interest.” (Deuteronomy 23:19)
“If you lend money to My people, to the poor among you, you are not to act as a creditor to him; you shall not charge him interest.” The Holy Bible (American Standard Bible)
[Jesus said], “If you have money, do not lend it at interest, but give [it] to one from whom you will not get it back.” Gospel St Thomas, V95.
Other Key Prohibitions
Islam not only prohibits dealing in
interest and investment in unlawful activities that Islam deems harmful to
society, but also transactions involving excessive uncertainty (gharar) and all
forms of gambling (maysir).
Islamic Economics Order
Islamic banking is an instrument for
the development of an Islamic economic order. Some of the salient features of
this order may be summed up as:
- While permitting the individual the right to seek economic well-being, Islam makes a clear distinction between what is halal (lawful) and what is haram (forbidden or unlawful) in pursuit of such economic activity. In broad terms, Islam forbids all forms of economic activity, which are morally or socially injurious.
- While acknowledging the individual's right to ownership of wealth legitimately acquired, Islam makes it obligatory on the individual to spend his wealth judiciously and not to hoard it, keep it idle or to squander it.
- While allowing an individual to retain any surplus wealth, Islam seeks to reduce the margin of the surplus for the well-being of the community as a whole, in particular the destitute and deprived sections of society by participation in the process of Zakat (a tax on wealth that is distributed to the needy).
- While making allowance for the ways of human nature and yet not yielding to the consequences of its worst propensities, Islam seeks to prevent the accumulation of wealth in a few hands to the detriment of society as a whole, by its laws of inheritance.
- Viewed as a whole, the economic system envisaged by Islam aims at social justice without inhibiting individual enterprise beyond the point where it becomes not only collectively injurious but also individually self-destructive.
Wealth and Islam
Islam has a unique dispensation on the
theme of wealth, its ownership, distribution and social relationship. Islam
enjoins wealth creation not for its own sake.
The theme of Islamic dispensation of wealth is treated as a deeply moral study of self and society. The true nature of wealth in Islam requires social preferences and market exchange mechanisms that are ethicised by human consciousness of the Moral Law. Islam gives precise moral injunctions as to what are, and are not acceptable kinds of wealth. They point out how individual preferences on wealth formation ought to be utilised within the social meaning.
According to Shaikh Yusuf Talal DeLorenzo, well-known and respected Shari’ah advisor and Islamic scholar as well as also author of the three volume “Compendium of Legal Opinions on the Operations of Islamic Banks” the first English reference on the fatwa (religious ruling) issued and published by the Institute, business, in the Qur'anic sense of "profitable trade" or tijarat'un rabihah is business that brings blessings to those who conduct it. Obviously, profits are important as ends, but the means by which those profits are earned are even more important. Indeed, the reason for the emphasis in the Shari’ah on proper transacting is that Islam accords great importance to the economic welfare of society.
Profit-and-Loss Sharing
While Islam employs various practices
that do not involve charging or paying interest, the Islamic financial system
promotes the concept of participation in a transaction backed by real assets,
utilising the funds at risk on a profit-and- loss-sharing basis. Such
participatory modes used by Islamic banks are known as Musharakah and
Mudarabah. This by no means implies that investments with financial
institutions are necessarily speculative. This can be excluded by careful
investment policy, diversification of risk and prudent management by Islamic
financial institutions.
The concept of profit-and-loss sharing in an enterprise, as a basis of financial transactions is a progressive one as it distinguishes good performance from the bad and the mediocre. This concept therefore encourages better resource management. The Islamic sukuk system is similar to bonds of capitalist system, but in sukuk, money is invested concrete projects and profit share is distributed to clients instead of interest earned.
The concept of profit-and-loss sharing in an enterprise, as a basis of financial transactions is a progressive one as it distinguishes good performance from the bad and the mediocre. This concept therefore encourages better resource management. The Islamic sukuk system is similar to bonds of capitalist system, but in sukuk, money is invested concrete projects and profit share is distributed to clients instead of interest earned.
Financing Modes of Islamic Banks
Islamic financing in its first stages
used only the partnership modes of musharakah and mudarabah. Later it was
realised that, to avoid moral hazards, yet compete successfully with
conventional banks, it was necessary to use all permissible Islamic modes and
so trade-based and leasing techniques were developed.
The general rule is that all financial
arrangements that the contracting parties agree to use are lawful, as long as
they do not include an element of interest. Equity-holding and commodity and
asset-trading are an integral part of Islamic financing.
The two basic categories of financing
are: 1) profit-and-loss-sharing (PLS), also called participatory modes, i.e.,
musharakah and mudarabah and 2) purchase and hire of goods or assets and
services on a fixed-return basis, i.e., murabaha, istisna'a, salam and leasing.
Legitimate modes include financing
trade, industry or budget deficits through domestic or foreign sources. Islamic
banks may design diversified investment portfolios and instruments that
generate profit with the required liquidity. To maximise its profits, a bank
needs to look for investments that yield the highest return, minimize risks and
provide adequate liquidity. At the same time, it is necessary for the bank's
liabilities and assets to be matched.
A pyramid of financial assets can be
built based on liquidity and profitability, which are the criteria of prudent
banking. At the top would be high-risk and less-liquid assets, such as
long-term investments out of its own equity or from deposits of its
risk-accepting account-holders. At the bottom of the pyramid would be the least
risky and most highly liquid assets, based on murabaha (leasing) or short-term
(even overnight) Mudarabah Certificates (PLS).
Musharakah and mudarabah can be used
for short, medium and long-term project-financing, import-financing, export
financing, working capital financing and financing of single transactions.
Diminishing musharakah can be used for large fixed assets such as houses,
transport, machinery, etc. Murabaha can be used for purchases of goods needed
by the bank's clients. Salam is useful for financing farmers, trading
commodities for the public and private sectors and other purchases of
measurable and countable things. But it must be kept in mind that buyback and
rollover modes may not be used, because they are seen as a back door to interest.
With Islamic financing, the need to
assess clients' acceptability is more important than it is for conventional
banks. The bank needs to be vigilant and prudent by concentrating on the
client's integrity as well as his status regarding property and particularly
his willingness to comply with Shari'ah-compliant contracts.
Islamic banks, while functioning within
the Shari'ah, can perform the crucial task of resource mobilization and
efficient allocation on the basis of both PLS and non-PLS modes. Sharing modes
can be used for short, medium and long-term financing, import financing,
pre-shipment export financing, working capital financing and financing of
single transactions. To ensure the maximum use of Islamic finance in the
development of the economy, it is necessary to create an environment that can
induce financiers to earmark more funds for musharakah- or mudarabah-based
financing of productive units, particularly those of small enterprises.
The non-PLS modes acceptable to the
Shari'ah not only complement the PLS modes, but also provide flexibility of
choice to meet the needs of different sectors and economic agents in the
society. Trade-based modes, such as murabaha, having less risk and better
liquidity options, have several advantages over other techniques, but may not
be as fruitful in reducing income inequalities and generation of capital goods
as participatory techniques are.
Ijarah-based financing, that requires
Islamic banks to purchase and maintain the assets and afterwards dispose of
them according to Shari'ah rules, requires the banks to engage in activities
beyond financial intermediation and are very much conducive to the formation of
fixed assets and medium- and long-term investments.
On the basis of the above, it can be
said that supply and demand of capital in an interest-free environment have the
additional benefit of providing a greater supply of risk-based capital. There
is also a more efficient allocation of resources and an active role for banks
and financial institutions to play, as required in the asset-based Islamic
theory of finance.
Islamic banks can not only survive
without interest, but are also helpful in achieving the objective of
distributive justice by increasing the supply of risk capital in the economy
and facilitating capital formation and the growth of fixed assets and
real-sector business activities.
Salam (forward purchase with prepayment
of price) has a vast potential to finance productive activities in crucial
sectors, particularly agriculture, agro-based industries and the rural economy
as a whole. It also provides an incentive to enhance production, as the seller
will spare no effort to produce at least the quantity needed for settlement of
the loan taken by him as the advance price of the goods.
Salam can also lead to creating a
stable commodities market, especially of seasonal commodities, and therefore to
stability of their prices. It enables savers to direct their savings to
investment outlets, without waiting, for instance, until the harvesting time of
agricultural products or the time when they actually need industrial goods and
without being forced to spend their savings on consumption.
Banks might engage in fund and
portfolio management through a number of asset-managing and leasing and trading
companies. Such companies can exist on their own or can be an integral part of
some big companies or subsidiaries, as in the case of Universal Banking in
Europe. They would manage Investors Schemes to mobilize resources on a
mudarabah basis, and to some extent on an agency basis, and use the funds so
collected on a murabaha, leasing or equity-participation basis. Subsidiaries
can be created for specific sectors or operations and would enter into genuine
trade and leasing transactions. Low-risk funds based on short-term murabaha and
leasing operations of the banks, in both local and foreign currencies, would be
best suited to risk-averse savers who cannot afford the possible losses of
PLS-based investments.
Under equity-based funds, banks can
offer a type of equity exposure through specified investment accounts where
they identify possible investment opportunities from existing or new business
clients and invite account-holders to subscribe. Instead of sharing in the
bank's profits, the investors share in the profit of the enterprise in which
the funds are placed and the bank takes a management fee for its work. Banks
can also offer open-ended multiple-equity funds to be invested in stocks.
The small and medium enterprises (SME)
sector has a great potential for expanding production capacity and
self-employment opportunities in developing countries. Islamic banks may
introduce SME-financing funds for various places. Enhancing the role of the
financial sector in the development of the SME sub-sector can mitigate the serious
problems of unemployment and the low level of exports of such countries.
Pricing Transactions Linked to Interest rate Benchmark
There are continuing debates on whether
the spirit of Shari`ah is being violated by the practice of
"benchmarking" linked interest rate benchmark such as London
Interbank Offered rate (LIBOR) plus an agreed mark-up in also pricing returns
on Islamic finance transactions . At a very fundamental level, the reason for
the debates is the lack of understanding to clearly discern the difference
between the use of LIBOR as a benchmark for pricing and the use of non-Shari’ah
compliant assets as a determinant for returns.
However, benchmarking touches upon the integrity of Islamic Finance as a whole, and the concept of Shari’ah-compliance vs Shari’ah-based approach in particular. There are practical challenges delaying a switch to participation-based structures, such as Musharakah and Mudarabah, that require financiers to participate in the underlying asset in a financing transaction.
However, benchmarking touches upon the integrity of Islamic Finance as a whole, and the concept of Shari’ah-compliance vs Shari’ah-based approach in particular. There are practical challenges delaying a switch to participation-based structures, such as Musharakah and Mudarabah, that require financiers to participate in the underlying asset in a financing transaction.
Islam's Approach to Ethical Investment
Given that many ethical funds have
similar characteristics as Islamic funds, it is important for ethical investors
attracted by the appeal of Islamic principles as well as the performance of
Islamic investments to understand that there are additional prohibitions that
must be applied on the products offered. These restrictions which are
essentially self-imposed based on belief and conviction act a moral compass;
the monitoring of the prohibitions by a Religious (Shari’ah) Supervisory Board
may have prevented Islamic financial institutions to deviate from a faith-based
system and absorb the shocks within the conventional financial system.
The important principles for Islamic
financial instruments for participation and investments that require strict
adherence, while providing good returns, are:
- Investments must be free of interest, speculation and gambling, all are considered as forms of exploitation
- Investments are made in permissible activities
- Investments must be separately approved by an independent Shari’ah supervisory board to ensure Shari’ah principles are strictly adhered to and deviations and wayward business practice penalised, for example in Islamic finance requires penalties to be paid to charity
"The ethical principles on which
Islamic finance is based may bring banks closer to their clients and to the
true spirit which should mark every financial service," the Vatican's
official newspaper Osservatore Romano said in an article its latest March 2009
issue.
Shariah Authenticity
Shaikh Yusuf Talal DeLorenzo, Islamic
scholar, position is that unless a financial product or service can be
certified as Shari’ah compliant by a competent Shari’ah supervisory board, that
product's authenticity is dubious. At that point, it will be the responsibility
of the individual investor or consumer to determine on his or her own that the
product complies with the principles and precepts of the Shari’ah.
Shari'ah Supervisory Board [Religious Board]
Islamic financial institutions must
adhere to the best practices of corporate governance however they have one
extra layer of supervision in the form of religious boards. The religious
boards have both supervisory and consultative functions. Since the Shari’h
scholars on the religious boards carry great responsibility, it is important
that only high calibre scholars are appointed to the religious boards.
An Islamic financial institution is required to establish operating procedures to ensure that no form of investment or business activity is undertaken that has not been approved in advance by the religious board. The management is also required to periodically report and certify to the religious board that the actual investments and business activities undertaken by the institution conform to forms previously approved by the religious board.
Islamic financial institutions that offer products and services conforming to Islamic principles must, therefore, be governed by a religious board that act as an independent Shari’ah Supervisory Board comprising of at least three Shari’ah scholars with specialised knowledge of the Islamic laws for transacting, fiqh al mu`amalat, in addition to knowledge of modern business, finance and economics.
They are responsible primarily to give approval that banking and other financial products and services offered comply with the Shari’ah and subsequent verification that of the operations and activities of the financial institutions have complied with the Shari’ah principles (a form of post Shari’ah audit). The Shari’ah Supervisory Board is required to issue independently a certificate of Shari’ah compliance.
The day-to-day application of Shari’ah by the Shari’ah Supervisory Boards is two-fold. First, in the increasingly complex and sophisticated world of modern finance they endeavours to answer the question on whether or not proposals for new transactions or products conform to the Shari’ah. Second, they act to a large extent in an investigatory role in reviewing the operations of the financial institution to ensure that they comply with the Shari’ah.
The concept of collective decision-making, in other words, decisions made by more than one scholar, is especially important. Shari’ah Supervisory Boards function is to ensure that decisions are not unilateral, and that difficult issues of finance receive adequate consideration by a number of qualified people.
Shaikh Yusuf Talal DeLorenzo, Islamic scholar, position is that unless a financial product or service can be certified as Shari’ah compliant by a competent Shari’ah supervisory board, that product's authenticity is dubious. At that point, it will be the responsibility of the individual investor or consumer to determine on his or her own that the product complies with the principles and precepts of the Shari’ah.
It is the role of the Supervisory
Boards to supervise the activities of Islamic banks. To this end, several of
them have drafted out model agreements for the modes of financing mentioned
above and the banks concerned are bound to follow these forms in all their
transactions.
Whenever a case arises where there are
difficulties in applying any of these forms, the management of the bank is
expected to bring the problem to the notice of its Supervisory Board, who will
look into it, come to a decision and issue a decree (fatwa), which the
management must obey. A large number of these decrees now exist, covering many
of the current practical problems of Islamic banks.
Because today's problems do not appear
in the original sources of classical Islamic financial law, dealing with
problems has required innovative thinking by Supervisory Boards. This sometimes
leads to differences of opinion, since the members of the boards specialise in
different areas of Islamic learning. These differences are settled by
discussion or, if necessary, further research may be undertaken. This process
leads to valuable additions being made to the body of the law.
The Importance of
Religion in Islamic Banking
Islam is a total way of life. Its
system of laws permeates social, economic, political and cultural life. Islamic
banks are thus one of the direct consequences of the resurgence of interest in
Islam.
The primary source of all Islamic
jurisprudence, the body of which is known as the Shari'ah, is the Qur'an and
Sunnah. Thus it is the Quranic scholars to whom the leaders of Islamic
economics and banking turn for guidance in setting up their internal compliance
systems and processes.
Conformity to the
Shari'ah
The Advisory Board (also known as the
Religious Board) of an Islamic bank looks into the day-to-day running of the
bank to check its conformity to the Shari'ah and also decides whether proposals
for new varieties of transactions conform to the Shari'ah. It offers
constructive advice as to how to address the integration of an Islamic bank's
operations into today's world of financial information and technology.
Bringing uniformity to the practices of
all Islamic banks would contribute much to the progress of interest-free
banking in the world.
Preferably, members of Shari'ah boards
should also have some knowledge about the law system within which their Islamic
bank operates.
The Religious Board both protects the interests of investors in ensuring that their profits are legitimate according to the Shari'ah and helps the management to adapt its operations to today's financial world. The latter role, which is either to issue fatwas (decrees) on specific investment proposals or give precautionary advice, makes it an unwavering foundation supporting the very nature of the Group.
To some it may seem that the role of
Supervisory Boards is solely prohibitive in that it proscribes certain forms of
activity, yet the part played by them is really one of assistance and
contribution. Just as the Shari'ah does not confine itself to what a Muslim may
not do, the Advisory Boards of Islamic banks do not limit their role to
prohibiting certain transactions, but play a large part in innovation, while
still respecting all aspects of Islam itself.
The Innovative Role
of the Supervisory Board
It was the ability of religious
scholars and Islamic jurors to use the Shari'ah adaptability to develop an
alternative to interest-oriented financial transactions that laid the
foundation for the first Islamic banks. Islamic scholars and intellectuals from
the world of Islamic law worked closely with entrepreneurs, businessmen,
prominent Muslims and others and ultimately created a mechanism of finance
which was completely different from the West's interest-based one.
Since the beginning of this alternative
financing mechanism, development and refinement have never ceased. The methods
and instruments of Islamic finance, being based upon risk and profit-sharing,
require an ever-evolving adaptation within the pattern of economic relationships
which are defined by the Shari'ah.
The present forms of financial
transactions used by Islamic banks, such as mudarabah, musharakah, murabaha,
ijarah and ijarah wa iqtina are concepts born of the past thinking of religious
scholars and jurists.
So while the definition of the Islamic
framework of economics does not change, the types of financial instruments
required for the survival of Islamic banks necessitates the constant
involvement of religious scholars.
The ideal way for Islamic banks and
financiers to operate is to set up partnerships with entrepreneurs on a
profit-and-loss-sharing (PLS) basis. This avoids the injustice of
interest-based transactions, since, by this system, the profits are divided by
agreement between the bank, the entrepreneur and the depositor.
For Islamic banks to be able to operate
fully according to the Shari'ah, it is necessary for the interest-free Islamic
economic system to be recognised by the state. Meanwhile, the Shari'ah
Supervisory Boards have allowed the use of two instruments by which Islamic
banks can exist in the present conventional banking environment without
charging or receiving interest.
These two instruments are cost-plus
sales (where the bank buys an asset required by the customer and sells it to
him for a profit, by instalments) and leasing, which, although not the best
Islamic means, are at least acceptable in that they are devoid of interest.
First, cost-plus and leasing can only
serve their true purpose if the requirements of the Shari'ah are strictly observed.
It must not be merely a matter of new names for conventional transactions. With
cost-plus transactions, there must be a definite period during which the
financier is the legal owner, bearing all the risks, liabilities and benefits
of that position. He is then the genuine seller of the commodity to the buyer
and is entitled to make a profit on the sale.
Second, these two types of transactions
are not to be thought of as ideal Islamic modes. On the contrary, the goal of
Islamic banks is to move towards PLS modes, that is, musharakah and mudarabah
partnerships.
These two instruments have been
criticised as being so similar to the interest-based instruments of
conventional banks that they have not brought much real change to the banking
system and this is true, as far as it goes. Yet their use does carry an element
of risk for the financier and it is this element which makes them acceptable to
the Shari'ah, for the Qur'an says that "God has permitted trade and
forbidden usury" (2:275), and both cost-plus sales and leasing are forms
of trade.
It is the risk in trading which makes
it an acceptable way of making profit. Fixed interest, on the other hand,
carries no risk for the bank and is therefore against Islamic principles as a
way of making money, since it is the entrepreneur who takes all the risk of
loss, while still having to pay back his loan.
Status of Islamic Banking
Islamic banking is no longer a novel
experiment. When the concept of Islamic banking with its ethical values was
propagated, financial circles the world over treated it as a utopian dream.
Having lived for centuries under the ‘valueless’ capitalist economic system,
they asked what ethics had to do with finance?
Besides their range of equity, trade-financing and lending operations, Islamic banks also offer a full spectrum of fee-paid retail services that do not involve interest payments, including checking accounts, spot foreign exchange transactions, fund transfers, letters of credit, travellers' checks, safe-deposit boxes, securities safekeeping investment management and advice, and other normal services of modern banking. Islamic banking because of its value-orientated ethos enables it to draw finances from both Muslims and non-Muslims alike.
Islamic banks are evolving financial and investment instruments that are not only profitable but are also ethically motivated. The ever-increasing application and innovation of the methodologies associated with derivative instruments that revolutionised the global financial industry have also led to a global financial crisis because of the excess greed for profit and the immense uncertainty and risk associated with these types of transactions. There are doubts associated with the permissibility of derivative instruments under Islamic finance generally.
Addressing issues to resolve the global financial crisis world leaders called for a set up on the basis of capitalism of entrepreneurship where banks finance economic development in the real economy, as opposed to the set up on the basis of capitalism of speculation whereby banks derive excessive profit from speculative transactions that do not make any contribution to the real economy.
Integrity in Islamic Banking
Islamic banks need to give special care
to their integrity and credibility. Some critics are disappointed that Islamic
banks have deviated, to a great extent, from the philosophic and idealistic
basis that inspired their originators in the 1970s.
Islamic banks come in all shapes and
forms: banks and non-banks, large and small, specialized and diversified,
traditional and innovative, national and multi-national, successful and
unsuccessful, prudent and reckless, strictly regulated and free-wheeling, etc.
Some, particularly the “Islamic windows” of conventional banks, are virtually identical
to their conventional counterparts, while others are markedly different. Some
are driven by real religious considerations, while others use religion only as
a way of attracting customers.
There are considerable disagreements
among scholars as to which institutions and instruments are religiously
acceptable. For some, their legal structure does not allow them to carry out
real Islamic business such as trading, leasing or construction activities and
hence they end up doing only conventional financial operations with slight
changes to appear Islamic.
There is a risk that Islamic banking
ideals may get diluted with conventional banking unless Islamic banks do
something to establish their distinctness as “Islamic banks”. Non-sharing
Islamic modes such as murabaha, salam, istisna'a and ijarah also provide a link
between financial transactions and real economic activities, such as trading in
tangible assets. But there have to be some underlying goods and services to be
the objects of such modes of financing.
Innovation and
Research
An important area is development of
products for meeting statutory liquidity requirements. A related, but more
complicated, issue is that of products for Government financing. For the
Islamic financial system to be adopted at national levels, the role of Islamic
banks and financial institutions in monetary management and government
financing, whether it is to cover budget deficit, refinancing or financing the
activities of utilities, needs to be enhanced.
The lack of involvement of Islamic
finance in government financing is due to lack of research and development
(R&D) and differences in Shari'ah-compliance criteria between different
countries. Problems arise and are not attended to owing to a lack of active
jurists or their differences with regard to innovations. Different Shari'ah
Boards interpret contracts differently.
R & D should therefore be attended
to by Shari'ah experts under the guidance of the Organisation of Islamic
Conferences (OIC) Fiqh Academy (Islamic jurisprudence) and AAOIFI (Accounting
and Auditing Organisations of Islamic Financial Institutions). It is also
imperative to find ways to block avenues of wilful default and delays by
clients.
The institution of discussion (ijtihad)
in this perspective is vitally important, because the Shari'ah has the
flexibility to respond to changes and diversity. But it is not open to changing
from Divine to manmade law. The concepts of custom, the general good, utility
or necessity are taken into consideration, but they are relevant only when the
clear texts of the Qur'an and Sunnah are taken as a basis for analogies. This
still leaves a great deal of room for acceptable inferences to be made in
regard to business and finance transactions.
Much research needs to be done on the
securitization of assets and strengthening of the recovery/payment systems. In
particular, there is a lack of alternatives for public debts and tools of
monetary management. Well-defined products, standards and risk management tools
to hedge against high volatility in markets are urgently needed.
Besides developing instruments and the
framework, Islamic countries have to redesign their plans and priorities. The
establishment of a permanent trade fair and an Islamic free market may
facilitate the achievement of the objective by promoting intra-OIC trade. This
can be achieved by increasing links and establishing an Islamic Monetary Fund
by expanding the scope of the International Islamic Financial Market (IIFM) and
Liquidity Managed Centre (LMC). The proposed Islamic Monetary Fund (IMF) can
have a wider scope to tap excess liquidity with some of the Islamic banks
through a mechanism which would encourage both governments and institutional
subscribers to the fund to make efforts to promote Islamic finance.
In order to encourage international
participation in the Fund, an adjustment mechanism through a coordinating
institution such as the Islamic Financial Services Board (IFSB) will have to be
introduced to provide a guarantee against exchange rate fluctuations which can
cause a loss of principal invested by nationals in the international Islamic
capital market.
The Role of Central Banks in Islamic Banking
Dr. Iraj Toutounchian
Prof. C. G. Harcourt
"...ideologies…affect the topics discussed, the manner of discussion, the factors included or left out or inadequately stressed in arguments, comments, and models and attitudes shown, sympathetic or hostile,…to past and contemporary economists' works and views. "
Based upon above statement it can be
argued that there are a lot of differences between Islamic and conventional
banking systems both at micro and macro levels. These differences are in
approach, in concepts, and in the resulting behaviour.
My presentation is based upon the
following primary and secondary assertions, which are the result of 27 papers
and 3 books. The last book: "Comparative Money and Banking in Capitalistic
and Islamic Systems", in 856 pages, has been recognized in February 2002 in
Iran as "The Economic Book of The Year". These assertions and the
final conclusion may seem rather unorthodox, but they are the product of their
own logical reasoning. The essence of my paper is thus nothing but one of the
logical consequences, among others, of the following assertions everybody is
able to derive.
Primary assertions are those, which can directly be used to reach the final conclusion of this paper. Secondary assertions are key issues to be used, one way or another, to lead one to the problems in implementing Islamic Banking. These two types of assertions, however, constitute separable sets.
Primary assertions are those, which can directly be used to reach the final conclusion of this paper. Secondary assertions are key issues to be used, one way or another, to lead one to the problems in implementing Islamic Banking. These two types of assertions, however, constitute separable sets.
Based upon the fact that the primary
function of banks is to deal with "money", one cannot speak about
" banking" without referring to money. Hence, it seems a
"must" to understand money first. Otherwise many Miss-interpretations
may arise as the result.
Interest and profit, although being
clear concepts, have been subjected to many misunderstandings. To be sure, let
me make them clear at the outset. Interest and profit are rewards to money and
capital investment, respectively. In other words, capital investment produces
profits and money produces interest. Furthermore, it has constantly and
mistakenly written and quoted by some writers that the price of money is 1
(unity). One is the exchange rate of money with itself; but the price of money
is interest (rate).
Some of my findings about the nature
and role of profits closely correspond to those of Prof. Adrian Wood in his
seminal book " A Theory of Profits ". With the abolishment of
interest (as it has in Islamic school of economic thought), the LM curve loses
its total validity and becomes redundant and useless.
All in all, interest is a normative
concept (basically discussed in schools of economic thoughts), which can
neither be proved nor refuted by use of scientific tools of analysis. It is a
value judgement. In evaluating an economic system, economists are supposed to
take it for granted.
Assertions:
1. In economics we are basically
dealing with two inter-related concepts; one is legal (or conventional) concept
and the other is real concept. To distinguish one from another, one does not
need to focus on the physical features of each one. All contractual agreements
like marriage, ownership, organizational hierarchy, money, interest, and the
like fall into the first category; while human beings, commodities, buildings,
amenity, and the like are included in the second category. Each one of these
two concepts is able to produce the other or be transformed into itself. Let us
call these two properties " Completeness" and "
Reflexivity", respectively. Hence, money itself being a legal concept is
capable to producing another legal concept (actually its derivative) called
"interest" or to produce real concept like capital equipment.
2. Money as a potential capital is a
legal (conventional) concept capable of being transformed into actual capital.
A simple example would be Mudarabah contract, among others, in which as soon as
one person's money is legally combined with another person's labour force, the
nature and the function of money is changed into capital. Given that in an
Islamic framework there is no reward to money lending (i.e. interest being
zero) yet capital (i.e. money's transformed version) is eligible for part of
the profit earned.
3. Various modes of contract available
to Islamic banks are the major source of transforming money deposits of
individuals and firms into capital (or asset). Any type of financing under any
modes of contract by these banks will essentially increase the value of the
asset of the economy. However, some modes of contract like Musharakah and
instalment sales (originated by firms) increase the productive capacity of the
economy. Any positive change in the firm's asset values (rather than their
capital values which is by itself a vague concept responsible for some
obscurities) can be called " investment". Following this practice it
is easy to calculate, rather than to estimate, the amount of investment, which
has taken place in an economy during one specific year with relatively high
precision. This can be done by reading the asset values off the current balance
sheets, firms submit to tax authorities. By putting asset values, instead of
capital, into the production function, not only it becomes more precise, but
also meaningful. Firms' rate of profit is, hence, logically defined as the
ratio of profit to their assets. Since the value of firms' assets is normally
greater than their value of capital, therefore, the rate of profit defined as
the ratio of profit to the value of capital, underestimates the true rate of
profit.
4. Based upon J. M. Keynes' criticism
on the classical economists inability to recognize speculative demand for money
in the presence of interest (rate), it can easily be shown that interest is
both necessary and sufficient condition for speculation. In other words, there
is a two-way relationship between interest and speculation. It is probably for
this reason that he has also recognized commodities rates of interest in
addition to money rate of interest that he was much concerned about. That is,
whenever a commodity is speculated upon a specific rate of interest would
emerge. With the abolishment of interest, speculative motive of the demand for
money, logically derived from interest, would disappear. Speculation, which
necessarily entails artificial risk in any market, be it in money, bond, gold,
commodities and the like, is not permissible in an Islamic setting. All of
these can safely be taken under the heading of "gambling".
A corollary to the above assertion is
that with the disappearance of bond market stocks are expected to be exchanged
in an Islamic stock market based upon their book values. In terms of Tobin's Q
this quotient is supposed to be close to unity (one). It is because in a world
with perfect markets, economic value (EV) and replacement cost (RC), will
coincide. This brings the quotient to unity. An implication of this is that in
a world with perfect markets valuing the firm would be easy; i.e. we could read
the economic value of the firm off the current balance sheet. Risk is
essentially interwoven with investment. It can be considered
"natural" and hence permissible in Islam. However, impermissibility
of artificial risk may be grounded upon the fact that any income received by
speculator will eventually bring about excess demand for goods and services
(without the speculator having any share in productive activities). This excess
demand, in turn, becomes the main source of inflation.
Let me conclude discussing about this
assertion by citing two statements correctly made by Prof. Gardner Ackley:
a) "Speculation - if mistaken - tends ultimately to be self -correcting in any commodity market. "
b) " ...the real cause of
unemployment is speculative demand for money".
5. The natural consequence of elimination of interest, as said earlier, is the elimination of money market. Hence, the major motive to use money is for transaction purposes, which underlies the structure of ordinary demand and supply schedules for goods and services. Furthermore, based upon the logical statement that "the speculative motive is derived from money's use as an asset, as a store of value", money can no longer possess the "store of value function" in an Islamic framework.
In the absence of interest, money
market and speculation, and all monetary policy tools used in conventional
banking, would lose their validity in Islamic banking. Let us call the policy
followed in this new setting "Financial Policy". The unique and
powerful tool of financial policy is to determine the share of profit relative
to that of capital for all investment projects submitted to Islamic banks. This
is probably the most important role a central bank can play in an Islamic
banking. There are many factors underlying the determination of this share,
especially in the face of natural risk.
This share if effectively used would
make bank's sources of finance properly channelled into asset building processes
without worrying about money whirlpool to emerge. To determine equilibrium in
this market the relative profit rate of the Islamic bank (call it financier) to
that of the investor (call it the financee) can be constructed. This rate is
especially useful in cases where different risks are involved. To prepare a
list of different risks involved in various investment projects is another
important task of a central bank.
6. Western economists have always and
justifiably been worried about unnecessary expansion of money supply the volume
of which is hard to control by central banks. This is due to the fact that
considerable portion of it (very difficult to determine if not impossible due
to uncertainties involved in interest rates) goes to money whirlpool. This is
probably the reason Prof. Milton Friedman in his paper addressing the problem
of stabilization policy has advocated the Required Reserve Ratio (RRR) to be
raised to one hundred percent. It is clear that such a banking, if possible,
would lose its own entity and merely becomes safe-deposit office. If Islamic
banks are prohibited to lend on interest nonetheless different modes of
contract, as mentioned earlier, are available to them to finance specific needs
of both firms and individuals upon their proper requests. If constant and
effective supervision is conducted on a random basis by the central bank the
chances are very slim a money market, which could be outlawed, to be developed.
So the kernel of Islamic banking is Profit and Loss Sharing (PLS). By preparing
accurate information and making them available to the general public, central
bank in Islamic banking system would be able to provide symmetric information
and prevent moral hazard, to a great extent.
7. Money's inability to be a tradable
entity and its production and volume being closely watched by the central bank
(which is apart of the public sector), seems appropriate to be classified as
"Impure Public Good" in an Islamic state. For the sake of brevity
some properties of (impure) public goods which also applies to money, in this
setting, will be outlined as follows:
a) Non-existence of money market.
b) Elimination of speculation.
c) Demand for it can be constructed by
vertical summation of individual demands.
d) Externality of money can be derived
from its capability of becoming actual capital; hence, government's (i.e.
central bank's) intervention. Furthermore, it benefits each person
simultaneously and is thus equally available to each person. Simultaneous
benefit is not a "must" for a "thing" to be public. A good
example is highway. Highways do not generate simultaneous benefit to all
individuals; they are equally available to all individuals. Non-exclusion
principle also applies here. Additional individuals looking for money may be
added at zero marginal cost.
e) Indivisibility of money refers to
its purchasing power and not its physical character.
f) Its velocity is greater than unity
implying that one is not supposed to "capture" it as opposed to the
case of private good whose velocity is unity implying that it can be
"captured".
A caveat is in order here. Money has
two distinct attributes; one at micro and the other at a macro level. At the
micro level, it is part of the asset of an individual possessing it. But at
macro level it cannot be added to the assets of the economy. To count money as
wealth (or asset) of a nation will lead one to commit both fallacy of
composition and double counting problem. This property of money may be the only
one that makes it distinct from other "public goods". This could
probably be the consequence of money being the medium of exchange.
8. Removal of interest and all its
derivatives (i.e. lending on interest, money market and speculation) from an
economy will lead Islamic banks to finance investment projects through PLS. The
criteria to be used by such banks are both profitability and feasibility of the
projects. Hence, projects compete with each other on the bases of their
Internal Rates of Return (IRR). However, the criterion used by a potential
investor is IRR of a specific project. The role of the central bank in
determining arrays of IRRs for different sectors and various activities is
highly valuable in channelling resources into proper projects.
Ranking IRRs in descending order, an
investor would first choose the project with the highest IRR. However, the
rule, which seems appropriate in choosing the amount to be invested, is
"cut-off rate". The maximum amount one investor is willing to invest
in a project is determined by the IRR of the next project whose value is almost
equivalent to the chosen project, without it being "the opportunity
cost" of capital.
Cut-off rate, seems to me, has long
been mistakenly interpreted as opportunity cost. In investment decision making
most of the times we are ~ dealing with the cut-off rate concept (even in an
interest based economic system) but very rarely with opportunity cost. In
capitalistic system, rate of interest is justifiably used as the opportunity
cost of capital. It is well justified that interest rate is essentially
determined independently from the rate of return in the real sector of the
economy. However in the absence of interest, projects compete with each other
to obtain finance from Islamic bank on the basis of their IRR because there is
no other alternative. Comparison among various IRRs brings about the role of
cut-off rate without anyone of them becoming opportunity cost of another
project. Cut-off rate functions as a signal to show an investor up to what
point he should invest and where to stop and select another project.
Interdependencies among various investment projects produce cut-off rate the
special character and function of which differ from those of interest rate.
The reason, seems to the author, that
we often fail to distinguish between these two concepts is the interdependence
condition. Furthermore, choosing one, IRR of one project as the opportunity
cost of another project in the same activity (on the basis of the principle of
next best alternative) will lead one to a whole range of so-called opportunity
cost list, none of which have possibly the same value. Hence, different cost
calculations in the same activity. Whereas cut-off rates could be numerous for
many producers in the same activity without making them run into any problem.
In the absence of interest rate there
is nothing to compare IRR of an investment project with. Therefore, we can
conclude that in an Islamic economy opportunity cost of capital is zero. The
foregoing statements were justified on the basis of economic logic; accountants
do not seem to have any reason to believe otherwise. One final remark can be
added to above statements. Opportunity cost of capital can also be used as the
cut-off rate but the reverse is not true.
After their feasibility and
profitability have been confirmed by Islamic bank's qualified personnel,
projects become eligible to obtain finance; furthermore, the projects
themselves become collateral for finance. Central bank's role in providing
guidelines about both of these two aspects will certainly be appreciated by
Islamic banks.
As long as there are unemployed factors
of production suitable to be utilized in investment, projects have to be
financed by Islamic banks no matter how much money is required to finance them.
This gives appropriate apparatus to materialize the assertion made by S. M.
Bagher Sadr when he says; "Tools of production are treated servants in
Islam and man the master". It is the right of labour, in Islam, not to be
kept unemployed.
In the final analysis, every piece of
bank note coming out of an Islamic bank in response to financing an investment
project can be called Certificate of Asset Building (C.A.B.). These C.A.B.'s
are appropriate both to production and household sectors.
9. In dealing with various modes of
contract, Islamic banks finance profitable and appropriate projects.
Appropriateness of projects are expected to be determined by the central bank;
however, to determine which projects are more profitable to finance is the task
of each individual Islamic bank. Central bank's task is to instruct Islamic
banks to give priority to those projects, which are more compatible with the
country's economic plan (be it either explicit and written or unwritten and
implicit).
Islamic modes of contract can be
classified into two broad categories:
1. Those with variable return and (2)
with fixed return. Musharakah and Mudarabah contracts fall into the first
classification and Instalment Sales, Hire-Purchase, Joalah, and the like into
the second one. Musharakah (i.e., PLS) has well and rightly been recognized as
the core of Islamic banking. In Mudarabah contract labour has no responsibility
as to any loss that may occur provided that it had done its best. The second
class of contracts may be defined as auxiliary contracts, which could be used
in conjunction with and after the first category has been utilized. Risk is
involved with the first type but the second is risk less which is more
appealing to Islamic banks. To reduce or even to eliminate the burden of risk
from the shoulders of investors it requires another paper, which IS beyond the
scope of this presentation.
However, to make sure that the
guideline controlling the complementarity of the second type contracts has
properly been observed, the Islamic central bank is supposed to keep close eye
on the contracts signed by each individual Islamic bank. I skip going into the
mechanism of how the burden of risk can be lessened or even eliminated; to
determine the degree of risk in different sectors and regions throughout the
country. This is another crucial task of an Islamic central bank. This will
facilitate the task of Islamic banks in determining the relative share of their
own profit vis-à-vis that of the investor. This task not only is beyond the
capabilities of an individual Islamic bank, but also provides a uniform
procedure for all Islamic banks for various sectors, locating in different
regions of the country.
10. Whether an Islamic bank uses the
variable or fixed- rate-of-return contract, accountants are very keen about costs
that are supposed to be deducted from, total revenue. Accountants who are
responsible to approve and submit both balance sheets and profit and loss
statements to tax authorities do not accept anything under the heading of cost
from neither of the two types of contracts provided that they have been
financed by Islamic banks. It is a fact that economists use these two valuable
documents for economic analysis and their own interpretations without being
able to adjust them on the basis of their own interpretation of cost.
Nevertheless, neither of the two professions (accounting and economics) can
deny that the Islamic banks' share of profit paid by investors (i.e. financees)
is in fact sort of dividend which is essentially determined after all costs
have been subtracted from revenue and hence can no longer be considered cost.
To sum up the role of a central bank in
an Islamic state, we come up with six different crucial functions to be
performed at different levels of rigorousness:
a) Active participation in the process of preparing economic development plan.
b) Informing individual Islamic banks
about the priorities of investment projects as outlined in the country's
economic development plan at different regions and various sectors.
c) Calculating and submitting to
Islamic banks the profit shares of banks relative to those of capital for
different projects at various regions and sectors.
d) Calculating and submitting to
Islamic banks the value of risk involved in different projects, different
regions, and various sectors of the country.
e) Constant inspection and supervision
to make sure that projects have properly been financed relative to the
priorities and the value of risks.
Note: To do all above functions
effectively an Islamic central bank is supposed to be well equipped with highly
qualified personnel in portfolio and risk management and project appraisal.
This is also a must for each individual Islamic bank.
f) After making sure that Islamic banks have concisely followed the central bank's instructions they can safely be allowed to gradually reduce RRR down to zero.
Let me admit that monitoring cost in
Islamic banking compared to the conventional banking is relatively high.
However, potential benefits as to its effects on reducing unemployment and
keeping prices constant over-shadow the cost. Most important, distribution of
income and wealth is expected to be more equitable than otherwise. Such a
scheme of distribution guarantees sustained economic development. The role of
an Islamic central bank in a uniform distribution of information and prevention
of moral hazard cannot be overstated.
Whether it is the Islamic banking or the realization of Keynes' expectation to reach full employment, it is yet to be seen. In closing my presentation, I would like to cite what Keynes has to say about this whole issue: "If I am right in supposing it to be comparatively easy to make capital goods so abundant that the marginal efficiency of capital is zero, this may be the most sensible way of gradually getting rid of many of the objectionable features of capitalism."
Nonetheless it seems that these two models, in the final analysis, converge. He, in this respect, admits that "...it is to our best advantage to reduce the rate of interest to that point relatively to the schedule of the marginal efficiency of the capital at which there is full employment."
Whether it is the Islamic banking or the realization of Keynes' expectation to reach full employment, it is yet to be seen. In closing my presentation, I would like to cite what Keynes has to say about this whole issue: "If I am right in supposing it to be comparatively easy to make capital goods so abundant that the marginal efficiency of capital is zero, this may be the most sensible way of gradually getting rid of many of the objectionable features of capitalism."
Nonetheless it seems that these two models, in the final analysis, converge. He, in this respect, admits that "...it is to our best advantage to reduce the rate of interest to that point relatively to the schedule of the marginal efficiency of the capital at which there is full employment."
Islamic Banking: True Modes of Financing
Dr. Shahid Hasan Siddiqui
Eminent Pakistani
Banker & Economist
Introduction
Prohibition of interest is ordained in
Islam in all forms and intent. This Prohibition is strict, absolute and
unambiguous. The Holy Qur'an in verse 278 of Surah Al-Baqarah states:
"O ye who believe!fear Allah and
give up what remains of your demand for riba, if ye are indeed believers."
and verse 2: 279 says "If you do it not, take notice of war from Allah and
His Messenger. But if ye turn back, ye shall have your capital sums. Deal not
unjustly and you shall not be dealt with unjustly."
It therefore, follows that interest is
prohibited as it leads to injustices (zulm) and Islam is against all forms of
injustices and exploitations and pleads an economic system, which aims at
securing extensive socio-economic justice. The Islamic law of prohibition of
riba, which includes interest, was originally not based on economic theory but
on Divine Authority which considers the charging of interest as an act of
injustice.
There could be no denying of the fact
that under the interest-based system of banking or in a system not strictly
based on the principles and spirit of Shariah, depositors as well as borrowers
are exploited in one form or the other. It is however, significant to note
that, as in the case of conventional banking, the depositors are being
exploited most under the system and practices enforced by banks and financial
institutions operating world-wide under the banner of Islamic banking.
Islamic banking made its debut over a
quarter a century ago. At present 200 Islamic banks and financial institutions,
operating in 27 Muslim and 16 non-Muslim countries, are managing a portfolio of
about $200 billion. It is now the time to pose the following questions:
i)
Whether banks operating under the banner of Islamic banking have succeeded in
the elimination of injustices of the interest-based system as ordained by Holy
Qur'an (2:279)?
ii)
Whether banks operating under the banner of Islamic banking have contributed to
the attainment of socio-economic justice in line with the objectives of Islamic
economic system?
iii)
Whether banks operating under the banner of Islamic banking are, for all
practical purposes, not following the bench marks of interest-based system
under Murabaha, Bai-Mu'ajjal or the like modes of financing?
iv)
Whether the net result in modes referred to at (iii) above really differs much
from the interest-based loaning?
v)
Whether by adopting the modes referred to at (iii) above, banks assume any
responsibility for the operational losses of the party availing finances from
them?
vi)
Whether sharing in the operational losses are not the essence of Islamic system
of banking?
vi)
Whether large scale financing on a perpetual basis, on modes approved for
"Sale transactions", can continue to be made for an indefinite period
by Islamic banks which are not trading houses but are financial institutions?
While attempting to firm up views in
respect of above questions, it must be kept in view that Islamisation of
banking system is a part of overall Islamic value system and is not merely
refraining from interest-based transactions. The objective of Islamic banking
system is to make a positive contribution to the fulfilment of socio-economic
objectives of the society in all spheres, including trade, industry &
agriculture etc.
True Modes of Financing
An Islamic bank is a financial
institution which identifies itself with the spirit of Shariah, as laid down by
the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah, as regards its objectives, principles, practices
and operations. An Islamic bank does not normally lend money except
interest-free loans which are termed as Qard Hasanah (Benevolent Loans) while
loans on service charge, not exceeding the actual administrative cost of such
loans, have also been permitted by Muslim Scholars.
To replace interest, the ideal mode of
financing under the Islamic banking system is "Financing on Profit &
Loss Sharing" (PLS) basis. Qard Hasanah are for the benefit of the
individuals and the society at large. To safe-guard the interest of
depositors/investors, these type of loans, as a matter of policy, do not
constitute a significant source of financing by Islamic banks. However, if in
any country, the Islamic System of Zakat is established and the Islamic State
treasury starts functioning, the requirements of Qard Hasanah would primarily
be met by the treasury.
The bulk of financing by Islamic banks
has to be equity oriented. In this mode of financing, the losses are shared by
the financier along with the entrepreneur in the ratio of their respective
capitals. The profits are, however, shared in an agreed ratio. The rates of
returns are thus replaced by ratios.
While designing an alternate to
interest-based system, it was realised that large scale resorting to PLS system
of Islamic banking could pose serious risks and hazards to Islamic banks due to
wide-spread tendency to adopt un-ethical accounting practices to conceal true
profits, high rate of illiteracy and host of other reasons.
It was therefore, considered necessary
to devise various other modes of financing in addition to Mudaraba &
Musharka based on PLS system and of course, Qard-Hasan. These modes being the
second line fixed return techniques include the following:
i)
Murabaha (Cost-plus sale).
ii) Bay
Mu'ajjal (Deferred payment sale).
iii)
Bay' Salam (Purchase with deferred delivery).
iv)
Bay' Istis'na (Made to order).
v)
Ijara (Leasing).
vi)
Ju'ala (Loans with a service charge).
It may be mentioned that the above
mentioned six modes cannot be expected either to remove the injustices of the
interest-based system or to contribute to the achievement of socio-economic
objectives which Islam seeks to achieve. The fact however, remains that these
modes bear pre-determined fixed rates wherein neither the operational losses
are shared by the banks nor the returns charged are dependent on the
operational result of the entrepreneur.
It is important to note that Islam
wants that in case the entrepreneurs earn profit from the finances provided to
them by banks, these must be shared with the banks. The banks, on the other hand,
must share their profit with their depositors / investors. A large number of
depositors would thus hopefully be able to get significantly higher rates of
return from the banks leading to over-all prosperity. It will be only then that
justice would be ensured between the parties and the banks would start moving
towards the path of making a positive contribution towards the achievement of
socio-economic objectives.
Islamic banking is now over 25 years
old. It is however, observed that, despite all the good intentions, Islamic
banks world-wide have generally sheltered themselves in comfort zone by
persisting with the second line fixed return techniques for bulk of their
financing operations and that too within the bench-marks of interest-based
system.
As the single largest mode of financing
adopted by Islamic banks is on the basis of Murahaba, it is now proposed to
briefly examine this mode.
Murabaha
Murabaha in ancient Islamic
connotations referred to a particular kind of simple sale and had no relevance whatsoever
with a transaction of financing. In view of the difficulties and risks
visualised in adopting PLS system of Islamic banking on a large scale, in
recent times, the Murabaha, for all practical purposes was transformed from the
sale transaction to a mode of financing.
In this mode, the bank, at the request
of its client, purchases the specified goods from a third party against
payment. Immediately on the transfer of ownership of the goods as also
obtaining its physical or, in most cases, the constructive possession, the bank
sells these goods to the client at cost plus an agreed fixed profit margin. The
client then takes physical possession of the goods and undertakes to pay the
price to the bank either in instalments or in lump sum, at an agreed later
date.
The instances are not lacking where
customers of the bank and the seller of the goods are sister concerns. In yet
many other cases, the customers of the bank purchase the commodities themselves
as agents of the bank and then they repurchase the same commodity from the bank
for a cost plus profit to be paid at a mutually agreed later date. In many
cases of Murabaha, there is therefore, only a change of name.
It is however, felt that there would be
no objection if an Islamic bank, in addition to its normal banking business,
separately establishes a Merchant Banking Division wherein various types of
goods are purchased and then offered for sale to other prospective buyers at a
profit. There are however, serious reservations to the wide spread use of
murabaha technique as a mode of finance where the bank purchases the commodity
only after the customer has agreed in principle to purchase it from the bank at
a profit - mark-up. It must therefore, be appreciated that under Murabaha, a
trading transaction is being transformed into a mode of finance just to meet
the Shariah requirements.
While referring to alternate modes of
financing based on Murabaha and Ijara (Leasing) etc., Justice Taqi Usmani
observes that if designed to fulfill the Shariah requirements, these modes can
be adopted as transitory measure. He however, cautions that " ....there
should be a gap between purchasing the commodity and selling it to the customer
and the risk of owning the commodity during the period should be borne with all
its basic components and all its essential consequences."
In actual practice, practically there
is no gap as in many cases, the bank makes the payment almost simultaneously or
even after the goods are delivered at the premises of the client. The bank thus
does not in fact assume any risk including even the risk of the goods, during
the short period, the bank is supposed to own and possess these goods. The bank
however, gets a return at a pre-determined fixed rate, which is not dependent
on the operational results of the entrepreneur. This in any case, does not
appear to be in conformity with the requirements of Shariah.
Taqi rightly observes: -
a)
Islamic banks are using the instrument of Murabaha and Ijarah within the
framework of the conventional benchmarks like Libor etc. where the net result
does not differ much from interest-based transactions.
b)
By not even gradually enhancing the financing on PLS basis, the basic philosophy
of Islamic banking seems to be totally neglected by the Islamic banks.
c)
The Shariah Scholars have allowed the use of fixed return financing techniques
i.e. Murabaha & leasing etc only in those spheres where Musharaka can not
work.
d)
When the common people realise that the net result in the transaction of the
Islamic banks is the same as was in the transactions of conventional banks,
they become sceptical towards the function of Islamic banks. It therefore,
becomes very difficult to argue for the case of Islamic banking before the
common people, especially before the non- Muslims who feel that it is nothing
but a matter of twisting documents only.
Nijatullah Siddiqui says: -
"The payment obligations of the
firms operating with murabaha - financed goods and services are independent of
the profitability of the enterprise, unlike Profit - Sharing, thus exposing it
to the charge of being inequitable, as in the case of debt financing".
While commenting on "Mark-up"
system he opines: -
"I would prefer that Bai' Mu'ajjal
is removed from the list of permissible methods altogether. Even if we concede
its permissibility in legal form, we have the overriding legal maxim that
anything leading to something prohibited stands prohibited. It will be
advisable to apply this maxim to Bai'Mu'ajjal in order to save interest-free
banking from being sabotaged from within."
At this point it is important to
mention that Maududi observes: -
"Islam says in clear terms that
the lender is not justified in earning a fixed rate of profit, irrespective of
the operational results of the business."
It therefore, appears that, in most cases, the fixed returns charged by banks on transactions which are financial in nature are not permissible simply by providing them a cover of Murabaha or the like modes which are in fact transactions of sale.
It was over two decades ago that The Council of Islamic Ideology, Pakistan observed: -
" ... ideally the real alternatives to interest under an Islamic economic system are profit / loss-sharing and Qard-Hasan."
It therefore, appears that, in most cases, the fixed returns charged by banks on transactions which are financial in nature are not permissible simply by providing them a cover of Murabaha or the like modes which are in fact transactions of sale.
It was over two decades ago that The Council of Islamic Ideology, Pakistan observed: -
" ... ideally the real alternatives to interest under an Islamic economic system are profit / loss-sharing and Qard-Hasan."
While referring to other modes of
financing such as Bai-Mu'ajjal, Hire Purchase & Leasing etc. the Council
observed: -
"It is, therefore, imperative that
the use of these methods should be kept to the minimum extent that may be
unavoidably necessary under the given conditions and that their use as general
techniques of financing must never be allowed."
The Council in this report cautioned:
"It would not be advisable to use
it widely or indiscriminately in view of the danger attached to it of opening a
back door for dealing on the basis of interest."
"The basis of this technique,
though not prohibited according to Hanafi and Hanabali Schools of Fiqh and that
too in exceptional circumstances, its wide spread use is not permissible as
mark-up does not differ in essence from the interest system."
The Council however, observed: "It
is unfortunate that this warning was disregarded and the mark up system was
made the pivot of the new arrangements."
The Federal Shariat Court, Pakistan in
its Judgement dated November 14, 1991 also referred to the following
observations of the Council: -
" The fact of the matter is that
"mark-up" is a crude trading practice which has been permitted by
certain religious scholars under specified conditions. Its permissibility is
questioned by other scholars. In any case, it is a device, which is relevant in
the contract of transactions between a seller and buyer of goods. Banks are not
trading organizations. They are essentially financial institutions which
mobilise funds from the general public and make them available to productive
undertakings."
Hasanuzzaman says:
" ..... the ghost of interest is
haunting banks to calculate a fixed rate percent per annum in many modes of
financing including Murahaba (Bai-Mu'ajjal , Mark-up) etc. The spirit behind
all these contracts seems to make a sure earning comparable with prevalent rate
of interest and as far as possible, avoid losses which otherwise could
occur."
He adds that "they (Second line
techniques), have failed to do away with undesirable aspects of interest
thereby they have retained what an Islamic bank should eliminate."
The Supreme Court of Pakistan (2000) in
its' historic judgement delivered on December 23 1999 i.e. after about sixteen
years of the observations, of The Council of Islamic Ideology, referred to
above, inter-alia gave the following verdict: -
a)
"The major condition for the permissibility of a mark-up transaction is
that it should not be charged on lending or advancing money. It must be based
on the genuine sale of a commodity with all its substantive consequences."
b) "
...... murabaha or Bia Mu'ajjal is a transaction of sale effected on the basis
of deferred payment."
c) "We
are conscious of the fact that the transaction of a sale of murabaha based on
mark-up, even after fulfilling its necessary conditions is not an ideal mode
for the extensive use of Islamic banks, Still, the banks will have to resort to
this transaction in certain cases, especially in the initial phase of
transformation."
Looking at the Murabaha from yet
another angle, it is important to note that Almighty Allah has condemned riba
in harshest possible terms perhaps only second to "Shirk". It does
not appeal to the mind that by simply assuming some risks by banks in financing
through murabaha and the like during "shifting of stocks" from the
godown of the seller to the entrepreneur (party availing finance from the bank)
which can also be practically avoided and ensuring a fixed return on financing
while not sharing in the operational losses of the entrepreneur, which is the
essence of Islamic banking, the objectives of the Shariah are met.
It is obvious that the wide spread and
persistent use of the second line techniques has neither contributed in
removing the injustices of the interest-based system as ordained by Holy Qur'an
(2:279) nor in securing the socio-economic justice in the society. If Islamic
banks persist with these modes for bulk of their operations, the cause of
Islamic banking would never be fulfilled.
It was only in the initial stages of
transformation of the conventional banking system into Islamic banking system
that the second line fixed return techniques could have been adopted by Islamic
banks with a proviso that gradual shift to PLS system will take place. With the
passage of time, the second line techniques should have been adopted only where
PLS is not possible or feasible including say leasing of machinery or vehicle
etc. which are not trading items of the enterprise availing funds from the
banks. Unfortunately these modes have been allowed to be perpetuated by Islamic
banks. This is injurious to the cause of Islamic banking.
During the last few years, a number of
Western bankers, economists and journalists have posed to this writer a rather
cynical question about what the real difference between the interest-based
system and it's Islamic counterpart, as being practised by Islamic banks
actually is. However, even they concede that the PLS system of Islamic banking,
if practised in earnest, could ensure socio-economic justice across the globe.
It is therefore, seriously apprehended
that if the present sad state of affairs is allowed to continue, even many
innocent Muslims may develop doubts about the feasibility, practicability and
usefulness of the "Islamic system of banking" notwithstanding that
the fault lies with us and not with the system.
The large scale financing by banks on
second line techniques is some times advocated on the ground that the size of
Islamic banks is too small. The combined assets of 200 Islamic banks and
financial institutions are almost 1/3 of the quantum of individual assets of
some of the largest conventional banks. Since Islamic banks have to compete
with these banks, they generally tend to avoid indulging in risky financing
based on PLS. To make the situation worse, some of the Islamic banks find it
more feasible to divert part of their funds received from Muslims to
multinationals and large corporations of the West.
The Arab world including GCC countries
and rich citizens of many others Muslim countries are reported to be
maintaining huge deposits with conventional banks operating in the West. The
quantum of these deposits is estimated to be more than the total external debt
of Muslim countries.
The placement of these funds by Muslims
is enabling the imperialistic powers to exploit the Islamic world by simply
providing them loans and credits out of these deposits. The placement of funds
in this manner by Muslims is clearly not in conformity with the directives of
Qur'an and Sunnah.
The Ummah must keep in mind that
according to the injunctions of Islam, surplus wealth of Muslims can no be
utilised for strengthening the Capitalistic System or for the benefit of
non-believers or enemies of Islam. This wealth should therefore, be profitability
invested for the common benefit of Ummah, initially in their own country /
region. The need of the hour is that a 'Fatwa' is issued on the subject
immediately.
If only a portion of these funds is
brought back to the respective Islamic countries, the size of many Islamic
banks would become large enough to enable them to diversify their financing
portfolio including more and more financing on PLS basis with greater sense of
confidence.
Financing on PLS Basis
The real alternate to interest on loans
in an Islamic framework is financing on PLS basis- a shift from debt based
transaction to investment based funding. It is believed that the financing on
PLS system of Islamic banking in a conducive environment would not only ensure
a healthier financing portfolio and of course higher rates of return to
depositors but would also lead to optimum allocation of resources for over-all
economic growth and welfare of the society, individually and collectively.
It is however, accepted that the banks
allowing financing on PLS basis are exposed to risk of losses as even a
profitable company may sustain genuine loss due to various factors even beyond
their control. The assuming of this risk is the essence of PLS mode of
financing as all business transactions have an inseparable risk factor. It
should not therefore, deter banks from making funds available on PLS basis to
sound entities in feasible projects in the normal course of business.
In actual practice however, we find
that traders and industrialists etc. generally earn substantial profit with the
funds of a large number of depositors but they do not share these profits with
the banks for onward passing on the share to the depositors. This injustice can
be avoided if banks accept deposit on PLS basis according to its true spirit
and also allow bulk of financing on the same basis. This will bring prosperity
in the society, as a large number of depositors will be receiving higher rates
of return on their deposits.
In the Islamic banking system, the
concept is that of ratios in which profits and losses are shared instead of
fixed, pre-determined interest and mark-up / profit rates. The issue of
possible injustice due to inflation and recession, in money lending
transactions, was settled by Islam over 1400 years ago, as PLS system absorbs
the impact of inflation as regards the sharing of operational results are
concerned. A glaring example is that of partnership where there is no dispute
between partners due to high inflation or other-wise.
A comparison of the salient features of
the financing on PLS Basis and the second line fixed return techniques is given
below:-
Financing: PLS Vs Second Line Fixed
Return Techniques
S. NO. Financing On PLS Basis Financing
On Second Line Techniques
1. Unanimously
held as an ideal mode of financing in an Islamic framework. A sale transaction
which has ecently been transformed as a second line mode of financing and that
too for transitory period. Reservations are expressed by many scholars about
these mode.
2.
Inequitable distribution of income and wealth will be significantly removed.
Inequitable distribution of income and wealth continues like interest-based
system.
3. Depositors
are likely to get higher returns leading to prosperity. Returns are practically
based on the bench marks of the interest based system. Depositors continue to
be exploited.
4.
Justice between the parties is ensured as the return to the bank on finance is
dependent on the operational results of the entrepreneur. Injustice of
interest-based system continues as bank is guaranteed a fixed return
irrespective of the loss sustained by the entrepreneur. The return to bank is
positive and pre-determined in the shape of agreed price.
5.
Inflation is likely to be controlled to some extent. Same as under the
interest-based system.
6.
Progress towards Self-reliance will hopefully be made through enhanced
rate of savings. Same as under the interest-based system.
rate of savings. Same as under the interest-based system.
7.
May lead to more efficient and optimum allocation of resources as compared to
interest-based system. Same as under the interest-based system.
It is now about the time that the
performance of Islamic banks worldwide should be judged from the contribution it
is making in achieving the objectives of Shariah in the real sense and not
merely by the number of Islamic banks or the quantum of their deposits
portfolio.
MODEL ISLAMIC BANK
It is important to appreciate that the
requisites for total implementation and success of Islamic banking in a
country, include re-shaping the society, re-structuring of the economic system
and re-framing of the laws according to the dictates of Islam. The most
important and difficult task however, is the reformation of society which has
to be undertaken as an on-going process.
We therefore, need to change our
priorities and at least as much emphasis should be laid on improving the
ethics, honesty and values of the society as is being done for expansion of
" riba-free banking". This will then create a conducive environment
for more and more financing under profit and loss sharing system of Islamic
banking.
Mirakhor observes, "Perhaps the most challenging issue facing the implementation of an Islamic financial system is the development of risk-bearing instruments that can provide the investors with a sufficient degree of liquidity, security and profitability to encourage their holding". Islamic banks also face a challenge of developing innovative services and products for utilising these funds effectively and efficiently for financing under PLS system.
Mirakhor observes, "Perhaps the most challenging issue facing the implementation of an Islamic financial system is the development of risk-bearing instruments that can provide the investors with a sufficient degree of liquidity, security and profitability to encourage their holding". Islamic banks also face a challenge of developing innovative services and products for utilising these funds effectively and efficiently for financing under PLS system.
In view of the position explained
here-in-above and considering the real difficulties in presently adopting the
PLS system of Islamic banking for bulk of the financing for trade, industry and
agriculture, it is felt that the need of the hour is to establish Model Islamic
banks in all GCC countries as also in other Islamic countries where a large
number of interest-free banks have been operating for a number of years.
The Proposed Model Bank would be a
commercial bank. While the objective of the Bank would be to earn profit, it
would identify itself with the Shariah as regards objectives, principles,
practices and operations. The Proposed Bank would undertake all normal banking
business as is done by interest-based banks but the Provisions of Shariah would
be kept in view at all times.
The proposed Model Bank would accept
deposits/investments on PLS basis (other than demand deposits) and would also
allow financing only on this basis. The operations of the Bank will be
supervised from Shariah point of view by a board of religious scholars.
The proposed Bank would develop
risk-bearing but competitive products for deposits / investments wherein
depositors / investors are given reasonable assurance of higher returns as also
of safety of their funds. This Bank would also develop innovative but
competitive products for financing which are not only compatible with Shariah
but also cater to the needs of traders and industrialists etc., in the modern
complex world which is ever - changing.
The sponsor directors of the Proposed
Model Bank should be Muslim Scholars, Jurists, chartered accountants,
economists, bankers and investors. All these persons should be men of integrity
and of highest reputation. They should also have unshakeable faith and
commitment in the Islamic banking system and should have good knowledge of it's
principles, products and procedures.
These persons would take up the
challenging assignment for the pleasure of Allah and for proving that Islamic
banking in its totality is not only workable but would In sha Allah also pay
rich dividends in material terms to all those who deal with or work for the
Bank.
It is sincerely believed that the
proposal of Model Islamic Bank is not only feasible but is the need of the
hour. The successful operational results of this Bank would also motivate the
existing Islamic banks to enhance their share of financing on PLS basis.
Conclusion
The first full-fledged Islamic Bank was
established in Dubai in 1975. In 1995, GCC countries accounted for 15 percent
of the paid up capital, 27 percent of the assets, 34 percent of the deposits
and 28.8 percent of the net profit of the Islamic banks world-wide. The Islamic
banks in GCC countries are therefore, in an ideal position to take a lead to
shift the bulk of financing operations to PLS system of Islamic banking.
It is now time that Islamic banks and
financial institutions resolve to gradually enhance their share of financing on
PLS basis and reduce the share of financing on the basis of Murabaha, Bai
Mu'ajjal and the like modes of financing.
If Islamic banks succeed in
demonstrating a practical example of socio-economic justice by gradually
enhancing their financing on PLS basis and also achieve further satisfactory
operational results, there is no reason why more cooperation would not be
extended to them by the European, American and other interest-based banks. Some
of these conventional banks may even be tempted to adopt PLS system of
financing in their subsidiaries & affiliates operating under the banner of
Islamic banking.
The dawn of an era of justice can,
therefore, be visualised where the fruits of the Islamic system would be
available to a large number of people leading to over-all social and economic
prosperity.
Adequacy of Disclosure in Islamic Financial
Institutions
By Muhammad Shabbir
Bank Analyst, Capital Intelligence, Cyprus
Introduction
Public disclosure through
the publication of financial statements has long been the source of information
on business performance of financial institutions. In recent years, however,
financial institutions, under pressure from market forces, have started focusing
on the disclosure of a wide range of information, including management
policies, risk exposures and risk management practices. Given that disclosure
disciplines management of financial institutions and helps to enhance the
efficiency and transparency of the markets, it has acquired great significance
in promoting the stability of financial systems.
Moreover, its importance in
enabling investors and parties to assess risks and returns of investing in, or
dealing with, a particular institution has grown due to the increasing number
of risks that financial institutions now take. The expansion in the role of
disclosure also encouraged regulatory authorities in various jurisdictions to
make it legally binding on financial institutions to follow a set of certain
minimum disclosures in their annual reports.
Like conventional
banks/financial institutions, Islamic Financial Institutions (IFIs) are engaged
in the business of dealing in money (collection of deposits and lending and
investing). However, the fact, which distinguishes them, is that their dealings
with depositors are based on profit and loss sharing rather than a fixed
pre-determined interest. This signifies an IFI's fiduciary role where it is
considered to be dealing in trust money. Thus depositors' / investment account
holders' trust in an IFI's ability to achieve investment goals (to record
profit) and make a fair distribution of the revenues between itself and the
investment account holders (according to the Mudaraba agreement) become
paramount in the continuity of the IFIs business.
Given this importance, IFIs
are obliged to be transparent by making adequate disclosures to their
investment account holders, not only with regard to their own financial
condition as is the case with conventional banks but also in respect of the
management of trust money. This is the area, going beyond disclosure, where
topics such as participation of stakeholders in the corporate governance of
IFIs and developing effective control and accountability mechanisms to enhance
fiduciary relationships in IFIs become relevant.
In order to discuss the
adequacy of disclosure in IFI's financial statements we take a brief look at
AAOIFI's1 standards2, discuss the role played by these standards in improving
the disclosure of information by Islamic financial institutions. We will then
move on to review disclosure adequacy with regard to credit, investment and
liquidity risks citing examples wherever appropriate.
Before elaborating on
disclosure of information desirable in the IFIs financial statements, AAOIFI
has set out Objectives and Concepts of Financial Accounting for Islamic Banks
and Financial Institutions as a prelude to its financial accounting standards
so that varying accounting policies can be harmonised. These statements are in
addition to the 12 accounting, 3 auditing and 3 governance standards, which has
been published till June 1999. The topics covered by the respective standards
are as follows:
Financial Accounting
Standards (FAS):
FAS 1 relates to general
presentation and disclosure in the financial statements of IFIs. FAS 2-4 relate
to different modes of financing (Murabaha, Mudaraba, and Musharaka). FAS 5
discusses disclosure of bases for profit allocation between owners' equity and
investment account holders. FAS 6 covers equity of investment account holders
and their equivalent. FAS 7 & 8 are about Salam and Ijarah (leasing)
transactions, respectively. FAS 9 is about Zakah, FAS 10 relates to Istisna'a.
FAS 11 is on provisions and reserves and FAS 12 relate to general presentation
and disclosure in the financial statement of Islamic Insurance Companies.
Auditing Standards for IFIs cover areas such as objective and principles of
auditing, the auditor's report, and terms of audit engagement. AAOIFI's
Governance Standards relate to Shari'a Supervisory Board (appointment,
composition and Report), Shari'a Review, and Internal Shari'a Review.
A major achievement in the
area of establishing concepts of financial accounting for Islamic banks &
financial institutions, which improved disclosure, is the clarification of the
position of investment account holders (depositors). Not a long ago, third
party investment accounts were treated by IFIs either as deposits (similar to
conventional bank deposits) or as funds under management, reported off balance
sheet with no or little disclosure.
AAOIFI upholds that
unrestricted investment accounts3, the largest funding source for the IFIs, are
part of the financial position (balance sheet) of an IFI to be classified
between a liability and equity capital. It is maintained that these investment
accounts are not a liability for an IFI because an IFI is not obligated in case
of loss to return the original amount of funds received from the account
holders unless the loss is due to negligence or breach of contract. This fact
alone has a substantial impact on the risk profile of IFIs. As investment
deposits are not treated equivalent to conventional bank deposits, where banks
are obligated to return principal amount of the deposit to the deposit holders,
the risk to the IFI, as an institution, is considerably reduced. Consequently,
shareholders' capital has now to absorb only that part of losses which arise as
the share of IFI's own funds in lending and investing. At the same time,
however, unrestricted investment accounts, despite being a partner in profit
and loss sharing with the IFI, are not treated similarly to the shareholders of
the IFI. This is because holders of investment accounts do not enjoy the same
ownership rights (voting rights and entitlement to an IFI's profits in the form
of dividends). The standards only recognise current accounts and other
non-investment accounts as guaranteed by an IFI's owners' equity.
Funds provided by restricted
investment accounts4 holders are not reflected as part of an IFI's financial
position. The relevant information about such accounts is provided in the
statement of changes in restricted investments and their equivalent or as a
footnote to the statement of financial position (balance sheet), a treatment
similar to that for funds under management.
AAOIFI has also clarified
concepts and provided guidance for accounting policies to be followed with
regard to different financing and investment modes (Murabaha and Murabaha to
the Purchase Orderer, Mudaraba Financing, Musharaka Financing, Salam and
Parallel Salam, Ijarah and Ijarah Muntahia Bittamleek, Istisna's and Parralel
Istisna'a). While examining the standards related to these aspects, we confine
ourselves to the assessment of disclosures with regard to credit, market and
liquidity risks.
Disclosure of Credit Risk
With regard to credit risk,
information on concentrations of financing assets by sectors/industries,
geographical distribution, maturity and currency profile of the financing
portfolio together with break up of financing facilities by collectability is
considered important. General disclosure in the financial statements of IFIs,
as required by AAOIFI standard FAS 1, cover concentration of assets risks
(economic sectors, geographical areas), distribution of assets in accordance
with their respective period to maturity or expected periods to cash
conversion, disclosure of related party transactions.
However, the standard is
ambiguous on the most critical information from collectability point of view,
which helps the reader of financial statements to determine the extent of
doubtful (non-performing) financing assets (sales receivables). The related
disclosure that FAS 1 requires is that accounting policies adopted by the IFI's
management for the recognition and determination of doubtful receivables and
policies of writing off debts be disclosed. There is no definition of doubtful
receivables given by AAOIFI.
In practice, however, some
IFIs avoid making any mention of non-performing financing assets or the basis
on which they make provision for doubtful receivables, particularly the
specific provision. This is in contrast to the growing practice among
conventional banks to give a break up of their overdue/non-performing loans so
that to help the reader in analysing the relative level of credit risk.
To illustrate further, a
large Islamic bank (Shamil Bank, former Faysal Islamic Bank) did not provide
information on overdue or non-performing facilities in their 1999 financial
statements (prepared according to AAOIFI standards) whereas the same has been
provided in 1998 accounts (prepared in accordance with the IAS5). However,
another IFI (Bahrain Islamic Bank) has provided information on non-performing
financing facilities in its accounts for the years 2000 and 1999 as it follows
both AAOIFI standards and IAS. Given that the information on
non-performing/overdue facilities is a key indicator of the credit risk profile
of a financial institution, CI believes that this disclosure inadequacy needs to
be covered.
Under AAOIFI standards,
disclosure regarding Murabaha sales receivables, the major type of financing
conducted by IFIs, is largely focused on two factors. One, on the separation
between financing jointly financed by the IFI's and unrestricted investment
account holders' funds and financing exclusively financed by the IFI's own
funds. The purpose of this disclosure requirement is to separate an IFI's own
assets from the assets managed for others (investment account holders) and
thereby helping in the assessment of fiduciary risk, to some extent. Second, on
the maturity profile of assets and liabilities, to help in the estimation of
liquidity risk taken by the IFI by identifying maturity mismatches.
Disclosure of Investment / Market Risk
The assessment of risk that
arises from investments in equities or other investments (e.g., property) is as
important as financing or credit risk due to the high proportion of such assets
in the financial position of IFIs. This is because these investments are considered
more Shari'a compliant than Murabaha financing which differs from conventional
lending only in semantics. AAOIFI's standard on such items (FAS 1: general
presentation and disclosure in the financial statements of IFIs) limit itself
to the statement that 'disclosure should be made of the net realisable value of
an asset if such value is less than the asset's recorded amount. However, all
expected losses should be recognised when reasonably measurable'.
If we look at the financial
statements of IFIs which have adopted AAOIFI standards, we observe that
investment in shares/securities has been classified into marketable securities,
related/associated companies investments, investment in funds portfolios and
short term/long term Mudaraba investments. From a risk assessment point of
view, the market value of marketable securities has been provided together with
movement in provisions for securities. However, it is observed that IFIs do not
disclose NAV of their investment in mutual funds (either their own or managed
by third parties) or fair value information about their Mudaraba investments (a
partnership in profit between the IFI and business owners where funds are
provided by the IFI). Both these investments are substantial in the case of
some IFIs and therefore limited disclosure in the financial statements force
users of financial statements to make subjective assessments of the riskiness
of such investments. IFIs should be encouraged to provide adequate disclosure
in this regard.
In the case of Mudaraba,
this disclosure may include an explanation of the reason for not giving fair
value, principal characteristics of the investment, information about the
market for such investment as is required under IAS 32. This can assist users
to make their own judgements about the possible differences between the
carrying amount of these investments and their estimated fair value. As regards
investment in real estate, the current market value of real estate is disclosed
in the notes to the financial statements of IFIs, a disclosure that appears
adequate.
Disclosure with regard to
Liquidity Risk
Liquidity of IFIs is
generally good because of the concentration of their financing operations in
self-liquidating short-term Murabaha financing and commodity backed placements
with banks. However, there are serious concerns regarding their macro level
liquidity - ability of these institutions to generate funds from other banks
(including central banks) in the event of financial distress. The fears arise
principally because of IFI's rejection of interest as a cost for the use of
money. Although, by practice, majority IFIs does have arrangements to keep
compensating balances6 with other financial institutions and even with central
banks, to meet or provide for the urgent liquidity needs of the respective
counterparties, these balances are not disclosed in the financial statements.
AAOIFI's disclosure
requirements (FAS 1) demand that disclosure be made of any amount an IFI is
obligated to deposit with others as compensating balances. However, we observed
that financial statements of IFIs that follow AAOIFI standards never state
anything to this regard. A good example of adequate disclosure in this regard
is Kuwait Finance House which discloses such compensating balances as 'balances
with banks and financial institutions - exchange of deposits, both on the
assets and liabilities sides of the balance sheet. CI believes that such
presentation of compensating balances alleviates the fears of other
counterparties regarding the inability of IFI's in obtaining funds from the
inter-bank market due to the non-payment of interest. This necessitates the
need for making such disclosure mandatory by the regulators of IFIs in their
respective jurisdictions.
Hopes for the Future of Islamic Finance
Dr. Abbas Mirakhor
Eminent Islamic Scholar and Executive Director
International Monetary Fund (IMF)
Introduction
I am grateful to Allah SWT, to brother
Muazzam Ali and to organizers of this Conference: the Institute of Islamic
Banking and Insurance and the Islamic Development Bank for the opportunity of
being here tonight. I am especially pleased to see our dear brother Muazzam
Ali, the Dean of Islamic banking and finance. I have the pleasure of knowing
him since the late 1970s. He indeed counts among the very early pioneers in
this field and has greatly contributed to the growth and development of Islamic
banking. We owe him an enormous debt of gratitude.
Past Successes
The topic of my talk is challenges to
and for Islamic finance: a look into the past, present, and our hopes for the
future. For someone like me, it is astonishing to realize how far and fast
Islamic finance has come and how well it has managed to meet the challenges it
faced in just two decades. It is astonishing because when I started my own
research in this field in mid-1970s, there was virtually no analytic works on
Islamic banking and finance that could explain in modern economic and financial
analytic language what Islam expects of a financial system in a modern economy.
And, of course, virtually no major Islamic banks existed at the time.
Based on what was known then, and in
the absence of an analytic framework recognizable by modern economic and
financial theory, most western observers and commentators began to refer to
Islamic banking and financial system as a "zero-interest" system, by
which they meant "no return to capital". I recall when the Islamic
Revolution of Iran succeeded and its leaders and economists declared they
wished to eliminate Riba from their economic system, western media, including
the BBC and the Wall Street Journal, commented on the impossibility of such a
system referring to the thinking behind it as " voodoo economics".
By 1983-84, when Iran, Pakistan, and
Sudan declared that they would adopt a system-wide Islamic banking and finance,
the challenge was to show that such a system was first theoretically and
analytically a viable financial system; second, it had to be shown that such a
system was empirically workable as a whole and financially viable for each of
its parts, meaning Islamic banks and financial institutions.
The challenge came from western
analysts who suggested the folly of adopting such a system. Here, I summarize
their arguments in six propositions:
- that zero interest meant infinite demand for loanable funds and zero supply;
- such a system would be incapable of equilibrating demand for and supply of loanable funds;
- with zero interest rate there would be no savings;
- this meant no investment and no growth;
- in this system, there could be no monetary policy since no instruments of liquidity management could exist without a fixed predetermined rate of interest; and, finally,
- this all meant that in countries adopting such a system there would be one way capital flight.
By 1988, this challenge was met when
research, using modern analytic financial and economic theory, showed that:
- A modern financial system can be designed without the need for an ex ante determined positive nominal fixed interest rate. [In fact, it had been shown by western researchers that there was no satisfactory theory that could explain the existence of a positive nominal ex ante interest rate];
- Moreover, it was shown that not assuming a nominal fixed ex ante positive interest rate, i.e., no debt contract, did not necessarily mean that there would have to be zero return to capital;
- The basic proposition of Islamic finance was that the return to capital would be determined ex post, and that the magnitude of return to capital was determined on the basis of the return to the economic activity in which the funds were employed;
- It was that expected return which determined investment;
- It was also the expected rate of return, and income, which determined savings. Therefore, there is no justification for assuming that in such a system there would be no savings and investment;
- It was shown that in such a system there would be positive growth;
- That monetary policy in such a system would function as in the conventional system, its efficiency depending on the availability of instruments which could be designed to manage liquidity;
- Finally, it was shown that, in an open-economy macroeconomic model without an ex ante fixed interest, but with returns to investment determined ex post, there was no justification to assume that there would be a one-way capital flight.
Therefore, the system which prohibited
a fixed ex ante interest rate and allowed the rate of return to capital to be
determined ex post, based on the returns to the economic activity in which the
funds were employed, was theoretically viable.
In the process of demonstrating the
analytic viability of such a system, research also clearly differentiated it
from the conventional system. In the conventional system, based on debt
contracts, risks and rewards were shared asymmetrically with the debtor
carrying the greatest part of the risk, and with governments enforcing the
contract. Such a system had a built-in incentive structure that promoted moral
hazard and asymmetric information requiring close monitoring whose costs could
be managed if monitoring could be delegated to an institution which could act
on behalf of the collectivity of depositor/investor; hence the reason for
existence of banking institutions.
In the late 1970s - early 1980s, it was
shown, mostly by Minsky, that such a system was inherently prone to instability
because there would always be maturity mismatch between liabilities (short-term
deposits) and assets (investment-long-term). Because the nominal values of
liabilities were guaranteed, but not the nominal value of assets, when the
maturity mismatch became a problem, the banks would go into a liability
management mode by offering higher interest rates to attract more deposits.
There was always the possibility that this process could not be sustained
resulting in erosion in confidence and bank runs. Such a system, therefore,
needed a lender of last resort and bankruptcy procedures, restructuring
processes, and debt workout procedures to mitigate contagion.
During 1950s - 60s, Lloyd Metzler of
the University of Chicago had proposed an alternative system in which contracts
were based on equity rather than debt, and in which there was no guarantee of
nominal values of liability since these were tied to the nominal values of
assets. Metzler showed that such a system did not have the instability
characteristics of the conventional banking system. In 1985, in his now classic
article in the IMF staff papers, Mohsin Khan, showed the affinity of Metzler's
model to Islamic finance. Using Metzler's basic model, Mohsin Khan demonstrated
that this system produces a saddle point and is, therefore, more stable than
the conventional system.
By early 1990s, it was clear that an
Islamic financial system was not only theoretically viable, but had desirable
characteristics that rendered it superior to a debt-based conventional system.
The phenomenon growth of Islamic finance during the decade of 1990s,
demonstrated the empirical and practical viability of the system.
Hopes for the future
The crises we have been witnessing in
the international financial system since 1997 have set the stage for Islamic
finance to demonstrate its viability as potentially a genuine alternative
global financial system. The present international system is deficient in many
ways of which the two most important are:
- A debt-based system needs an effective lender of last resort, and the present international financial system does not have one and it is not likely that one will emerge anytime soon; and
- A debt-based system needs bankruptcy proceedings, debt restructuring, and workout mechanisms and processes which the present international financial system lacks. There are preliminary discussions underway for an international sovereign debt restructuring mechanism to be established, but there are many complications. While such a mechanism, if and when it comes into being, will help reduce the risk of moral hazard and lead to better distribution of risk, it will not address the inherent fundamental fragility of a system largely based on debt contracts.
In the mean time, there are no
guarantees that the international financial system has witnessed its last
crises with their huge domestic costs that, at times, have threatened the very
foundation and fabric of societies. The example of Indonesia is a heartbreaker;
it took this country 25 years to reduce poverty by 50 percent, but it took a
year of severe financial crisis to wipe out most of this gain. Countries with
an otherwise viable economic system have paid dearly for crises generated by a
debt structure whose nominal values and maturities were out of line, with the
ability of the economic structure to service them.
There are many analyses of financial
crises and a long list of their causes, but surprisingly little is said about
the one underlying common denominator to all of them: debt contracts that are
by nature out of sync, and unrelated to, the income flows that the underlying
productive and capital assets of these countries can generate to serve them.
The jury is still out as to the reasons why Malaysia did not suffer from contagion
as much as other crises countries. While capital controls may have played a
role, some analysts believe its liability structure and its general reliance on
non-debt-creating flows made Malaysia less vulnerable to crisis.
While the financial innovations of the
1990s in the conventional system have led to mobilization of financial
resources in astronomical proportions, they have also led to the equally
impressive growth of debt contracts and instruments. According to the latest
reports, there are now US$32 trillion of sovereign and corporate bonds alone.
Compare this (plus all other forms of debt, including consumer debt in
industrial countries) to the production and capital base of the global economy
and one observes an inverted pyramid of huge debt piled up on a narrow
production base that is supposed to generate the income flows that are to serve
this debt. In short, this growth in debt has nearly severed the relationship
between finance and production. Analysts are now worried about a "debt bubble".
For each dollar worth of production there are thousands of dollars of debt
claims. An Islamic financial system has the potential to redress this serious
threat to global financial stability because of its fundamental operating
principle of a close link between financial and productive flows and because of
its requirement of risk sharing.
It is now a serious advice of the IMF
to developing countries that they should:
- Avoid debt-creating flows;
- Rely mostly on FDI;
- If they have to borrow, they should ensure that their debt obligations are not bunched toward the short end of maturities;
- If they have to borrow, they should ensure that their economy is producing enough primary surplus to meet their debt obligations;
- Ensure that their sovereign bonds incorporate clauses (majority action clause, engagement clause, initiation clause) that make debt workout and restructuring easier. That is, to make sure that there exists better risk sharing mechanisms to avoid moral hazard; and finally,
- They should put in place an efficient debt management structure.
In these circumstances, Islamic finance
can provide a viable financial system on a global scale, but there are
challenges that have to be met to make it so. Islamic finance has to adopt the
best standards of accountability, transparency and efficiency. Fortunately, an
architecture of Islamic finance on a global scale is emerging with the
establishment of supporting institutions such as:
- The Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions through the efforts of Professor Rifaat Abdel Karim
- The International Islamic Rating Agency
- The Islamic Financial Services Board
- The International Islamic Financial Market, and
- The Liquidity Management Center
As this architecture emerges, Islamic
finance has to develop its own genuinely Islamic financial instruments. So far,
we have been free riding on financial theories and instruments developed within
the context of the conventional debt and interest-based system. Unless Islamic
finance develops its own genuinely Islamic financial instruments, it cannot
achieve the dynamism of a system that provides security, liquidity, and
diversity needed for a globally accepted financial system which would be a
genuine alternative to the present debt-interest-based international financial
system.
Unfortunately, there are, at the
present, nothing in the Muslim world close to resembling large endowment
institutions, such as the National Science Foundation, the Ford Foundation, the
Rockefeller Foundation, and the like to support research in Islamic banking,
finance and economics. There is, therefore, an urgent need for scholarly
foundations, institutions, colleges, and universities that can train Islamic
financial engineers who are well trained in economic and financial theory and
methods, on the one hand, and Islamic Shariah, on the other. My generation was
fortunate to have people like Dr. Anas Azzarqa and Dr. Kazem Sadr who are
equally at ease with Islamic "Fiqh" as with economic theory and
method. Trained by their fathers (Sheikh Mustafa Azzarqa and Ayatullah Reza
Sadr, ???? ???? ??????) in "Fiqh" and having earned doctorate degrees
in economics from reputable universities in the U.S.A., they were able to help
the rest of us in understanding the intricacies of Islamic "Fiqh" as
it related to finance. There is now a need to systematize the process of
training financial engineers, experts in modern finance who are well versed in
the Shariah, to expand the horizon and the menu of available Islamic financial
instruments.
Islamic finance possesses the basic
instruments that can be spanned into a wide, varied, and variegated menu of
financial instruments. There is a theory developed in the 1980s referred to as
the spanning theory which asserts that if there is one basic financial
instrument it can be spanned into an infinite number of instruments. Islamic
finance has at least 14 basic instruments and financial experts can span these
into a much larger menu to provide greater security, liquidity, and diversity
to meet the demand of investors on a global scale. Let me say once again that
there is an urgent need for rich endowments to be established solely for the
purpose of financially supporting institutions that can train the kind of
research scholars and experts mentioned.
Let me conclude by mentioning a very
important function of Islamic finance that is seldom noted: that is the ability
of Islamic finance to provide the vehicle for financial and economic
empowerment. Before I do so, let me recommend the works of the Peruvian
economist Hernando de Soto. De Soto's long-time research has been summarized in
a recent book titled: "The Mystery of Capital". His basic thesis is
that much of the poor in developing countries are in possession of what he
calls dead capital. He estimates that the developing and former communist
countries possess US$9.3 trillion worth of dead capital. These are physical
resources and capital that are not used for any purpose other than to provide
physical service to their owners. He suggests that the ability of documenting and
using this capital as a productive asset is what distinguishes the rich from
the poor. How can Islamic finance help to empower financially those who are in
possession of dead capital? Let me give some rudimentary examples:
Agricultural Development Bank of Iran
through Mazarah partnerships with farmers helps them to convert their physical
possession into assets that can generate additional capital. Also through the
Islamic law of Arz Amwat Aiya of dead capital is converted into productive
asset. A second example is that of the Housing Bank of Iran which through
Musharakah and lease purchase agreements helps people without homes to own one.
These
homes can then be used to generate
additional capital for the owners to undertake other productive activities. Similarly,
Islamic finance can be used in other Muslim and developing countries to convert
dead capital into income generating assets to financially and economically
empower the poor.
Shariah
Requirements for conventional banks
By Sheikh Nizam Yaquby
Shariah Scholar
Bahrain
Many conventional banks and
financial institutions are increasingly becoming interested in Islamic finance
and investment. How can these conventional banks and institutions enter this
market? Is it possible or not? This paper is an initial attempt to lay down the
conditions necessary for conventional institutions to comply with and implement
when doing so. The most important of these required conditions are: complete
segregation of funds; the existence of a Sharia supervisory board; management
committed to Islamic financial concepts; safeguarding Muslim investors' funds
from negligence, trespass, and fraud; and compliance with the standards of the
Accounting and Auditing Organization for
Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI).
Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI).
Introduction
This write up is a modest
contributory note that sets out the most important conditions to be fulfilled
when conventional banks and financial institutions, their Articles of
Association of which do not comply with the tenets of Islamic law (the sharia),
set up any Islamic bank, window, or fund. The importance of this issue cannot
be overstated, particularly in view of the wide spread of this trend, over the
past few years, and the oft-repeated claims by many parties that their
transactions and dealings fully comply with the provisions of the sharia when
subjected to scrutiny and examination, this proves otherwise. Little or no
research appears to have been conducted on this matter, and therefore this note
is a beginning toward this end. It is hoped that specialist research and
studies by scholars and academics will follow.
Forms of collaboration
and their permissibility
Before delving into the details of these requirements, we have to note that cooperation and overlap between Islamic and conventional financial institutions in managing investments has taken several forms. These include the following:
1) An Islamic financial institution (IFI) offers an
investment portfolio, backed by its sharia expertise, but vests management of
this portfolio in an external investment manager who undertakes to comply with
the IFI's conditions and applies the criteria and standards laid down by the
IFI when managing investment.
This is permissible under
the sharia if the investment manager complies with the Islamic conditions and
his or her success has been proven in more than one instance.
2) A conventional financial institution or bank sells
and markets an Islamic product, introduced and planned by an IFI through its
sharia expertise. This is also sanctioned by the sharia if it has been proved
successful in more than one practical example.
3) Alternatively, a conventional financial institution
or bank opens an "Islamic window" on its premises, introduces an
investment product marketed as "Islamic," such as a fund, or sets up
a private Islamic bank or company. This is the subject of the present
discussion.
Some scholars believe that
this is not permissible, because conventional financial institutions do not
comply, in the first place, with the sharia in terms of their incorporation and
statutes. If they do not comply with Islamic law in their basic charters, how
can they claim to comply with it in their funds, branches, or windows?
In addition, the funds of
these conventional financial institutions are drawn from prohibited earnings,
so how can they invest unlawful funds in Islamic products? The rationale cited
by scholars is that these financial institutions or banks are only intent on
exploiting practicing Muslim investors and in so doing unfairly compete with Islamic
financial institutions.
On the other hand, there is
a group of contemporary scholars who permit this type of investment product as
long as the sharia conditions laid down for them are satisfied. They argue that
dealing, in compliance with the teachings of the sharia, in transactions and
their Islamically sound contracts is not confined to a certain group of people.
In this view, it is permissible-indeed incumbent-upon whomever can conduct
dealings in accordance with the provisions of the sharia to do so. If it is
impossible to do so in all contracts, at least one should start with those that
are possible. In response to the argument that the source of these funds is
unlawful earnings, one may reply that there is nothing to prevent such funds
from being purified, cleansed, and subsequently directed to lawful and
permissible channels. Jurists say that it is permissible to deal with
commingled (mixed) funds-funds that are not purely lawful funds, but rather are
mixed, containing both lawful and unlawful money. This is as stated by Ibn
Taymiyyah, in his Collection of Fatawa, and by other eminent scholars.
Moreover, the claim that
traditional financial institutions desire to unfairly compete with Islamic
financial institutions can be refuted by saying that competition is always in
favour of the most suitable, efficient, and fittest. This kind of competition
may prompt Islamic financial institutions to exercise more diligence and care
to introduce better quality products and conduct their activities more efficiently.
This is in fact evident in many nations in which competition exists.
On the other hand,
conventional financial institutions may gradually convert into full-fledged
IFIs if they find this viable and if they have acquired adequate practical
experience and sharia practices in this field. There are practical examples to
substantiate this argument.
Among scholars and jurists
who hold this view are Yusuf AI Qaradawi, Abdul-Sattar Abu Ghuddah, M. Taqi
Usmani, Nazih Hammad, Abdullah Al Muslih, and Abdullah bin Sulaiman Al Manea.
Economists who also espouse this view include M. Ali Elgari and Monzer Kahf.
They all concur that the required conditions, outlined below, necessitate
strict compliance.
Required conditions
The most important of these
required conditions are: complete segregation of funds; existence of a sharia
supervisory board; management that is committed to Islamic financial concepts;
safeguarding of Muslim investors' funds from negligence, trespass, and fraud;
and compliance with the standards of the Accounting and Auditing Organization
for Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI).
a) Complete Segregation
of Funds
The funds of the Islamic
investment product and those of the financial institution in which sharia
provisions are not observed must be completely segregated. The funds of
investors who are very diligent and anxious to earn lawful income should not be
commingled with those of conventional investors who are not observant of the
sharia. Therefore, there should be separate accounts, books, and computer
programs evidencing this complete segregation of funds. This matter is not
difficult or problematic in view of the availability of modern computer
systems, assuming that intentions are sincere and the required expertise is
available. This compliance should be enshrined and expressly stated in the
statutes or the prospectus.
b) Sharia Supervisory
Board
There should be a sharia
supervisory board for any institutional Islamic investment body, and that Board
should consist of trustworthy scholars who are highly qualified to issue fatawa
(religious rulings) on financial transactions. In addition, they ought to have
considerable experience with knowledge of modern dealings and transactions. The
Articles of Association, prospectuses, or statutes (depending on the type of
activity) should provide for the existence of a sharia board, whose fatawa and
resolutions should be binding upon the financial institution's management. It
should be independent and free to give opinions on proposed contracts and transactions.
The role of the sharia supervisory board should be concurrent with that of the
financial institution itself in the sense that it should be formed from the
moment the financial institution is incorporated, and that it should provide
continued supervision and permanent checking of contracts, transactions, and
procedures. This should be expressly provided for in the Articles of
Association or the prospectus.
c) Managerial Commitment
The financial institution's
management, which is undertaking such business activities, should be fully
convinced of the concept and fully committed and dedicated to it. It should be
anxious to implement it and comply with the teachings governing it. Unless the
entire management is committed and convinced, the business activities and the
enterprise will not be foul free or will not escape irregularities and
deviation. Regardless of how strict and stringent fatawa and contracts are,
this will not ensure sound practices if there is no one sufficiently sincere
and committed to implement the principles. However, there is no harm in
starting first with the executive senior management, which implement
resolutions and subsequently trains the other members of the administrative
team. The general manager himself should act as a springboard and set a good
example for all in this respect.
d) Safeguarding Muslim
Investors' Funds
It is an established
principle in Islamic law that the mudarib does not guarantee the mudaraba
capital for the capital provider. Hence, investment accounts in Islamic
financial institutions are not guaranteed by the mudarib. However, this does
not prevent the laying down of a stipulation requiring that the parent
conventional financial institution (the original company) guarantee Muslim
investors' funds against trespass, negligence, and fraud. Major financial
institutions may sometimes shirk their responsibility in this connection by
claiming that their Islamic windows, branches, or sections are privately
incorporated, among other reasons and excuses. This is wholly unacceptable.
Precautions should be taken to guard against this, and a similar policy should
be expressly stated in the Articles of Association or the prospectus of the
financial institution.
e) Compliance with AAOIFI
Standards
The Accounting and Auditing
Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions has issued and published a
number of accounting and auditing standards that all Islamic financial
institutions should comply with and implement. The AAOIFI's activities are
considered a fundamental groundwork that underpins Islamic banking activities
by keeping them away from individual, personal reasoning. The collective
personal reasoning (ijtihad) of the AAOIFI is highly important in this vital
aspect of Islamic economic life. Therefore, these standards deserve strict
adherence. A number of government authorities and central banks in certain
countries have circulated these standards and obliged other financial
institutions to comply with them. That is why any party wishing to incorporate
or set up an Islamic financial institution should be required to conform to
these standards in order to avoid confusion, misunderstanding, and ambiguity,
and to seek clarity and sound business activities.
Conclusion
Islamic investment, with its
governing sharia rulings and provisions, is an open area for all those wishing
to give it a try, provided that they approach it from its front door. They
ought to comply with its provisions and honestly deal with people in their
communications and transactions. For those who are intent on fraud, cheating,
and misleading, all that can be said is that "he who cheats us is not one
from us."
Riba,
Its Economic Rationale and Implications
By Dr. Abdel-Rahman Yousri Ahmad
Director General
Institute of Islamic University
Pakistan
Director General
Institute of Islamic University
Pakistan
Introduction
The word "Riba",
in Arabic language, literally means an "increment' or addition". In
Islamic Fiqh the term riba has a special meaning. Riba is an unjustified
increment in borrowing or lending money, paid in kind or in money above the
amount of loan, as a condition imposed by the lender or voluntarily by the
borrower. Riba defined in this way is called in Fiqh riba al-duyun (debt
usury). Riba also is an unjustified increment gained by the seller or the buyer
if they exchanged goods of the same kind in different quantities. This is
called "riba al-fadl" or "riba-al-buyu" (trade usury).
The Prophet (p.b.u.h.)
exposed to his companions, also, this form of riba known as "riba
al-buyu". He warned them that barter exchange of commodities of the same
kind will be leading to riba. He (p.b.u.h.) advised all traders to use money
for the exchange of such goods to avoid riba. In Islamic literature this kind
of riba is also described as riba al-khafi, i.e. disguised or implicit riba, in
contrast to "riba al-duyun" which is considered "Jali"
i.e., explicit or clear.
Riba prohibition in Quran is mentioned in three distinct passages. To consider the chronological order of the Quranic revelation, Allah, firstly, gave a warning (Sura 30:39) that riba earnings will be wiped out while persons giving charity will be rewarded more than they have spent. Secondly, believers have been ordered, and warned never to take riba at compound rates (Sura 3:130). Thirdly riba in all forms was utterly condemned, and those cared not for its prohibition were threatened a holy war to be waged against them by Allah and his Messenger (Sura 2:275-279). It was made clear that riba transaction is different than trade and that it is the Will of Allah to prohibit riba irrespective of any reasons which may be given for its support. Prohibition of riba in Quran is undoubtedly quite strict and decisive. Sunna explains different forms of riba and puts more emphasis on its prohibition. The Prophet (p.b.u.h.) in his hadith warned that riba is more sinful than committing adultery repeatedly.
The "riba" system was formally introduced in Islamic countries during the 19th and 20th Centuries through two channels; (i) secular legislations which have endorsed the Western definition of usury, (ii) the modern banking system whose activities are interest based. These two channels were opened during the era of Western colonial rule to the Islamic world. Besides, the riba system has increasingly gained strength in the Islamic world because of the serious economic dependence on the Western world on one hand and secular education which neglected the teachings of Islam.
Riba prohibition in Quran is mentioned in three distinct passages. To consider the chronological order of the Quranic revelation, Allah, firstly, gave a warning (Sura 30:39) that riba earnings will be wiped out while persons giving charity will be rewarded more than they have spent. Secondly, believers have been ordered, and warned never to take riba at compound rates (Sura 3:130). Thirdly riba in all forms was utterly condemned, and those cared not for its prohibition were threatened a holy war to be waged against them by Allah and his Messenger (Sura 2:275-279). It was made clear that riba transaction is different than trade and that it is the Will of Allah to prohibit riba irrespective of any reasons which may be given for its support. Prohibition of riba in Quran is undoubtedly quite strict and decisive. Sunna explains different forms of riba and puts more emphasis on its prohibition. The Prophet (p.b.u.h.) in his hadith warned that riba is more sinful than committing adultery repeatedly.
The "riba" system was formally introduced in Islamic countries during the 19th and 20th Centuries through two channels; (i) secular legislations which have endorsed the Western definition of usury, (ii) the modern banking system whose activities are interest based. These two channels were opened during the era of Western colonial rule to the Islamic world. Besides, the riba system has increasingly gained strength in the Islamic world because of the serious economic dependence on the Western world on one hand and secular education which neglected the teachings of Islam.
Arguments
"justifying" interest
Affected by the changes,
some Muslim scholars and jurists from the Islamic world volunteered to defend
the interest system, by distinguishing interest from riba. The same controversy
of ancient times and mid centuries has been repeated in the modern Islamic
world. M. Dwaleeby (1950) thought that interest charged on consumption loans is
definitely "usury", but that on loans taken to finance trade or
production is not. Much earlier A. Jewish (1908) insisted that prohibited riba
is only that which is accumulating at a compound rate. Thus simple interest is
not riba.
A. Sanhory (1956) an eminent
Professor of Law and Fiqh emphasized the prohibition of all kinds of interest,
whether simple or compound, charged on consumption loans or on production
loans. Yet he recognized that the economic system prevailing in contemporary
Islamic countries is not confirming with Shariah rules and Islamic ethics. Thus
business finance on loss and profit sharing basis, as Islam requires, has
become rare. Under such conditions it has become "most urgent" for
business people to seek finance on interest basis.
Sanhory emphasized that debt
finance involving interest has become a matter of great urgency that it
justifies a resort to "Darura" (necessity) rule in Shariah. Sanhory
emphatically asserted that "Darura" to interest is not similar to
"Darura" which permits eating pork or dead animals' meat. Yet the
capitalist system adopted by Islamic countries, or imposed upon them from
outside, and its interest-based financial institutions has created emergency
conditions calling for relaxation of riba prohibition rule. Hence, he concluded
that simple, but not compound, interest may be allowed till the economic system
can be changed and becomes Islamic.
Sharing in civil and
commercial law drafting in Egypt and in other Arab countries, Sanhory accepted
that interest can be charged at simple rates in the range of 4% -8%. Exactly as
happened before in 16th Century Europe, "exceptions" or relaxation of
usury prohibition rule led to more exceptions and further relaxations. Besides,
the capitalist system and the interest-based institution have continued and
become well established.
Another attempt to separate
interest from riba has been made by some economists in the Islamic countries
who believe that interest rates are frequently less than or equal to
inflationary rates. Therefore, under such conditions, interest payments may be
considered as a compensation to the loss in real value of money, and not riba.
This argument to the disappointment of its exponents could not defend interest
if the general price level decreased, remained constant, or increased at a rate
lower than the interest rate.
In all these cases, which
are quite possible in practice, interest will be riba according to the
inflation/interest argument. This attempt to justify interest, as claimed by
its exponents, relied upon Ta'weed (compensation) principle set in Fiqh by Abu
Yusuf (Saheb Imam Abu Hanifa) in the 8th Century (2nd Century- Hijri Calender)
in the case of fulus (cheap metal money) whose real value against gold or
silver money was subject to considerable deterioration at times of
"Ghala" (inflation). Yet, Abu Yusuf and his followers had never
thought of inflation as a permanent case, a monetary system entirely dependent
on fiat money, or that their suggested compensatory system may be used for
justification of the interest system. Many Islamic economists have already
recognized that the problem of entrenched inflation in many Islamic countries
is severely affecting the real value of money particularly over the long run
and that it calls for a solution on Shariah basis. Compensation of loss in real
money value may be accepted on Shari'ah basis through an acceptable form of
indexation, but never through the interest system. In fact, the real solution
of the problem, as many Islamic economists suggest is to take positive steps
towards a just monetary system in which interest has no place and inflation can
be cured effectively.
All attempts to separate
interest from riba have supported the interest system which the contemporary
Islamic countries came to accept under external forces a century or two ago.
Yet these attempts have entirely failed to convince true Muslims all over the
world. Besides, Al-Azhar' Islamic Research Academy in Egypt, The Council of
Islamic Ideology (Pakistan), The Islamic Fiqh Academy of the Organization of
the Islamic Conference, other Fiqh academies in the Islamic world have refused
and refuted all attempts to justify interest or separate it from riba.
Fiqh rules on prohibition
of riba
To emphasize interest or
riba prohibition, reference should be made to three Fiqh rules:
a) A benefit gained from a loan is riba. A rule which is
based on the ethics of Qard Al-Hassan (Benevolent or good loan) in Quran and on
Hadith of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) "the only reward for a loan is the thanks
giving and the repayment".
b) Which means that the capital owner has to choose
either a "return" on his capital by sharing with its user in profit,
or a "guarantee" to repay his capital intact. A "return"
and "guarantee" on capital can not be combined together in one deal.
c) Which means that the capital owner will be entitled
to "Profit" only if he is ready to accept "loss" if this
happened. These rules are the basis of all profit and loss sharing financing
methods in Islam, and they leave no doubt that interest paid to bank depositors
above their money, or interest paid by borrowers from banks for the use of
banks' money is riba.
The nature of the Islamic
Economic Rationale
Before tackling the economic
rationale of riba prohibition a few remarks ought to be made. Firstly a
necessary distinction should be established between an economic rationale from
an Islamic point of view and a secular one. The latter depends on secular
theory and empirical test. An Islamic economic rationale would not deny the
importance of the secular theory if its basic assumptions or postulates confirm
with Islamic Shari'ah rules and ethics. Otherwise, because the Islamic economic
theory is still in its formative stage, dependence is heavily placed on
theoretical arguments and hypotheses within the boundary of Islamic rules and
ethics. Yet, these theoretical arguments and hypotheses cannot be tested as long
as contemporary Islamic economic experience is limited. Available experience
can be cited to support theoretical arguments.
The second remark concerns our approach in exposing the Islamic economic rationale of riba prohibition. Interest is not the only form of riba, but it is the most popular one. Thus arguments showing the inefficiency of the interest system in fulfilling economic targets and inability to achieve socio-economic justice will be reviewed. In contrast, the expected advantages of the interest-free financing will be presented.
The second remark concerns our approach in exposing the Islamic economic rationale of riba prohibition. Interest is not the only form of riba, but it is the most popular one. Thus arguments showing the inefficiency of the interest system in fulfilling economic targets and inability to achieve socio-economic justice will be reviewed. In contrast, the expected advantages of the interest-free financing will be presented.
Thirdly it should be made
clear in advance that all arguments concerning the economic rationale of
interest prohibition should not on Shari'ah basis be taken 'reasons' for riba
prohibition. Arguments and theories may be accepted or rejected but riba will
remain prohibited and condemned in Islam. Any argument, in this respect, should
be viewed therefore as an attempt on our part to understand and explain the
"wisdom" rather than the "reason" of riba prohibition.
Economic Rationale of
Riba Prohibition and Implications
1st Argument
The interest system is
inherently incapable of allocating available liquid funds among firms and
activities in the society according to considerations of efficiency,
productivity and growth. An Islamic system based on profit/loss sharing
financing methods would offer, in principle, an efficient substitute.
Secular economic theory
claims that the interest mechanism guarantees an efficient allocation of
available funds. According to the Keynesian theory every businessman would
estimate the marginal efficiency of investment (MEI) while the interest rate
(i) is determined by money demand and supply. If (MEI) is equal or greater than
(i) it will be rewarding to borrow and finance the investment project.
Otherwise the project will not be undertaken. Accordingly, available money for
lending will be allocated efficiently among firms and activities.
This argument cannot be theoretically or empirically defended. Let us assume for sake of simplicity and discussion that (i) measures accurately the opportunity cost of money available for lending in the credit market, and that a uniform interest rate (i) is applied by banks (lenders) in all cases of borrowing. Hence investment projects for which (MEI) below (i) will be excluded. On the other hand all projects fulfilling the condition (MEI> i) will find excess to loanable funds without any preference given by banks (lenders) to projects with relatively higher (MEI). In a free market economy we can not claim that loanable funds would be optimally or best allocated in this way. Theoretically speaking an Islamic free-interest financial system would offer a much better substitute for allocating available funds among firms and activities. Assuming that interest-free financial institutions would aim at maximizing their "halal" (i.e. legal on shari'ah basis) revenues, a preference will be given to projects with higher (MEI) over other projects with relatively lower (MEI). Under these circumstances deviation from an optimum (or the best) pattern of funds allocation in the economy may occur because of some other factors, such as failure to estimate accurately (MEI) on the part of enterprises or lack of experience on the part of the financial institutions' managers. Yet such inefficiencies are likely to exist in a traditional interest-based financial system as well.
This argument cannot be theoretically or empirically defended. Let us assume for sake of simplicity and discussion that (i) measures accurately the opportunity cost of money available for lending in the credit market, and that a uniform interest rate (i) is applied by banks (lenders) in all cases of borrowing. Hence investment projects for which (MEI) below (i) will be excluded. On the other hand all projects fulfilling the condition (MEI> i) will find excess to loanable funds without any preference given by banks (lenders) to projects with relatively higher (MEI). In a free market economy we can not claim that loanable funds would be optimally or best allocated in this way. Theoretically speaking an Islamic free-interest financial system would offer a much better substitute for allocating available funds among firms and activities. Assuming that interest-free financial institutions would aim at maximizing their "halal" (i.e. legal on shari'ah basis) revenues, a preference will be given to projects with higher (MEI) over other projects with relatively lower (MEI). Under these circumstances deviation from an optimum (or the best) pattern of funds allocation in the economy may occur because of some other factors, such as failure to estimate accurately (MEI) on the part of enterprises or lack of experience on the part of the financial institutions' managers. Yet such inefficiencies are likely to exist in a traditional interest-based financial system as well.
Let us, now investigate the
simple assumptions which have been made above.
a) Current or market rate of interest can not simply be
taken to measure the opportunity cost of available units of money capital. The
rate is not determined in practice as the theories claim by loanable funds or
by money supply and demand. It is rather determined by monetary authorities
which take into consideration, besides loanable funds or money supply and
demand, several macroeconomic policy requirements and variables such as income
and price stability, unemployment rate, public debt, and balance of payments
position. Determined in this way the interest mechanism will not necessarily help
in allocating loanable funds efficiently among firms or between different
economic activities.
Research studies, years ago,
showed that (MEI) tends to increase considerably at boom and fall sharply at
depression, whereas the rate of interest, due to macroeconomic policy
requirements, would not be changed at all in the same manner. Hence allocation
of loanable funds according to the interest mechanism would further be driven
away from the optimum pattern. On the contrary in an Islamic financial system, under
the same circumstances, available funds will always be distributed efficiently
among investors since financiers share with them expected profit, high or low.
Assuming that financiers would raise their profit share margin proportionally
with expected higher future returns at boom and that they would be reluctant to
extend their finance at depression because they would share in loss which is
quite expected profit and loss sharing mechanism would also help in bringing
about stability at the macro level.
b) Investors with projects satisfying the (MEI)
condition and seeking interest-based finance are not treated equally by banks
(lenders) as we have simply assumed. Large corporations are given priority and
better borrowing terms, irrespective of how funds will be used by them. In fact
banks (lenders) are concerned, above anything else, with borrowers solvency.
Hence, preferential treatments and financing priorities are set by banks on
credit-worthiness basis. It should be noticed that today's bankers are not, in
this respect, different from olden days or mid-centuries' usurers. Their main
concern is identical, namely to take utmost precaution for loan repayment plus
interest. Consequently small enterprises are either neglected or given least
attention by bankers, even if their investment projects are expecting highest
returns.
The problem of small
enterprises with the interest-based financial institutions is quite serious in
the developing world, though it may be of minor importance only in developed
countries. "Surveys indicate that less than I% of small firms in
developing countries obtain credit at controlled rates from financial
institutions; the remainder rely on the informal sector. The combined net
effect is to raise their capital costs and reduce their ability to compete
against large firms", according to W.B (I987). In fact failure of small
businesses to obtain finance from banks have forced them quite frequently, in
the absence of equity finance, to borrow from money lenders in the informal market
at very high rates of interest. So they have jumped from the frying pan to the
fire.
A study concerning the
informal credit market in Peru mentioned that interest rate in that market was
as high as 800% - I000% per annum sometimes in the mid 1980s. Todaro, M.,
states that "commercial banking system of many LDCs restricts its
activities almost exclusively to rationing scarce loan able funds to
"credit-worthy" medium-and large-scale enterprises in the modern
manufacturing sector. Small farmers and indigenous small scale entrepreneurs
and traders in both the formal and informal manufacturing and service sectors
must normally seek finance elsewhere sometimes from family members and
relatives, but more typically from local moneylenders and loan sharks who
charge exorbitant rates of interest.
In addition, a brief note
should be given on interest rate control policies because these, it may be
claimed, have always exerted favourable economic effects, which is not true. In
the developing world, to which Islamic countries belong, experience showed that
interest rate and selective credit policies have reduced the efficiency of
investment on the whole. "This is particularly true when controls on
interest rates make them negative in real terms. As well as promoting investment
in low return projects, interest rate controls encourage firms to build up
their inventories. Furthermore, faced with the need to ration credit, banks
lend to the borrowers they know well - large scale enterprises and parastatals
- or even to the industrial groups that own them. In Colombia, interest rate
controls reduced the funds available for smaller-scale industrial enterprises;
the efficiency of investment fell as a result. Interest rate controls also keep
credit cheap in relation to labour for those firms with unrestricted access to
loans from the formal financial sector and thus encourage capital intensive
investments in some parts of industry. These distortions ultimately affect
growth."
All the facts mentioned above are quite relevant to Islamic countries which are classified, without exceptions, within the LDC category. The interest system now in application in Islamic countries (with minor exceptions, i.e. Pakistan, Iran and Sudan) against Shariah is not helping in allocating their scarce funds efficiently, among firms or between economic activities. The system is also discriminating unfavourably against small-scale firms, farmers and traders irrespective of efficiency or productivity considerations.
All the facts mentioned above are quite relevant to Islamic countries which are classified, without exceptions, within the LDC category. The interest system now in application in Islamic countries (with minor exceptions, i.e. Pakistan, Iran and Sudan) against Shariah is not helping in allocating their scarce funds efficiently, among firms or between economic activities. The system is also discriminating unfavourably against small-scale firms, farmers and traders irrespective of efficiency or productivity considerations.
The riba system is full of
contradictions and attempts to regulate it through interest rate controls have
either failed or accentuated its imperfections. On the whole, therefore, the
system which is prohibited by Shariah, is adversely affecting economic
development in the Islamic countries. On the contrary a financial system based
on profit and loss sharing offers a much better alternative to Islamic
countries since it is expected to be free of all the imperfections of the riba
system.
2nd Argument
The interest system brings about and effectively maintains a pattern of income distribution which is biased towards wealthy people and large businesses, irrespective of rational economic considerations. An Islamic interest-free financial system supports a just income distribution pattern fairly correlated to economic efficiency, productivity and actual factors contributions to the total value added.
This argument is directly
dependent on preferential treatment given by interest-based financial
institutions, mainly commercial banks, to wealthy persons and large enterprises
because they are credit-worthy. Medium-scale enterprises are not deprived of
finance from banks but they may not obtain all their requirements always while
they are usually charged with relatively higher interest rates. Small-scale economic
activities in all economic sectors are discriminated against, as mentioned
previously. In quite a few number of developing countries, however, governments
provide for special arrangements to cover a higher portion of small activities
financial requirements through banks. Yet even then, credit ceilings are
usually imposed strictly upon the small share of finance allotted to small
activities, whereas cumbersome formalities and heavy guarantees are demanded
from their owners. Thus the interest system will effectively help large
enterprises to grow larger and rich entrepreneurs to grow richer irrespective
of their economic efficiency or productivity.
On the other hand small
entrepreneurs even with bright new ideas, carefully studied projects with
prospects of high returns and possible positive contribution to the total value
added will be deprived of finance or may obtain much less than their
requirements. Hence they have much less chance to grow their activities and
their incomes. It should be noticed that this problem is particularly serious
in most developing countries, where small-scale activities employ the largest
portion of the total labour force, while its share in GDP is much less than
medium and large-scale businesses.
An Islamic interest-free
financial system would not cause the same disturbances. "Mudaraba",
first and foremost in Islamic finance, is based on personal confidence of the
capital owner in his partner, the agent manager; in his efficiency, dedication
to work and honest character. Thus economic and managerial considerations are
taken into account where as trust-worthiness replaces credit-worthiness.
Profit, when realised, will be divided between the capital owner and his
partner, the agent manager according to a mutually agreed proportions while all
loss, if happened, is born by the capital owner. It should be noticed that the
agent manager also suffers, in the last case, from the loss of all his efforts,
as these will be rewarded nothing.
Musharaka, another principal
financing method, flexibly allows for large and small capital owners to come
together in various forms of companies. Partners will divide realised profits
among them according to agreed proportions, fixed in advance in the company's
contract. Fiqh rules allow small partners to obtain the same percentage share
in realised profits as large partners, or even more, according to efficiency,
experience or managerial efforts considerations. On the other hand loss, if
happened, will be born by all partners according to their shares in the
company's total capital. Economic justice is carefully protected and maintained
between partners in Musharaka. All other Islamic financing methods are of the
same nature, i.e., based on partnership and profit/loss sharing principles.
Some of these methods namely Istisnaa Muazrah and Murabaha can be used
effectively to solve the financial problems faced by small-scale entrepreneurs,
farmers and traders in particular.
To conclude, the Islamic
financing methods would undoubtedly help in supporting a just income
distribution pattern. These methods endorse partnership and profit/loss sharing
principles, they do not discriminate against partners who do not share in
finance or contribute only with a small share, and they facilitate the
extension of finance to small-scale activities, on the basis of confidence in
their efficiency and expected returns. However, it should be expected that the
application of the Islamic financing methods will be faced with many problems
at the beginning as actually has happened.
3rd Argument
The interest system
encourages passive behaviour to develop among people having liquid funds by
helping them to relinquish responsibilities and risks in investment activities.
In contrast sharing in responsibilities and risks is inherent in the
profit/loss sharing methods of finance.
No doubt that the interest
system relieves money capital owners from holding any responsibilities and
risks related to the execution or to the final outcome of the investment
activities financed by them. It is claimed by the interest system's exponents
that this is one of its merits since easy and risk less income is guaranteed to
the capital owners periodically. It is also claimed that entrepreneurs within
this system are willingly accepting its terms and satisfied that the financiers
do not intervene in their business. Interest paid by the entrepreneurs is
included in costs and thus transferred to purchasers through sales, while net
profit once realised is totally their own.
Yet, such system is viewed quite differently on ethical and social grounds. Money capital owners are encouraged to develop a passive behaviour in the production sector. On the other hand entrepreneurs financed by loans and paying interest are not really doing this with comfort whether at boom when interest rates are relatively high and the uncalculated risk is greater than normal or at recession when interest rates are relatively low but loss expectations are greater than normal. If profits are not actualised they, along, will face the consequences and may be subject to bankruptcy. Ethically, this is a kind of gambling rather than risk-taking based on rational calculations. Therefore, within the interest system, options of self finance, equity or a mixture of equity and debt finance may be preferred by enterprises than purely debt finance.
Yet, such system is viewed quite differently on ethical and social grounds. Money capital owners are encouraged to develop a passive behaviour in the production sector. On the other hand entrepreneurs financed by loans and paying interest are not really doing this with comfort whether at boom when interest rates are relatively high and the uncalculated risk is greater than normal or at recession when interest rates are relatively low but loss expectations are greater than normal. If profits are not actualised they, along, will face the consequences and may be subject to bankruptcy. Ethically, this is a kind of gambling rather than risk-taking based on rational calculations. Therefore, within the interest system, options of self finance, equity or a mixture of equity and debt finance may be preferred by enterprises than purely debt finance.
The growth of the
interest-based finance in any society whether through the banking system or by
selling bonds in capital markets will directly be reflected in growth of
passive behaviour among society members. Individuals who receive guaranteed
interest paid to them periodically without bearing any responsibilities or risk
can not be considered but inactive society members. As well as, their passive
behaviour is emphasised by the full option, given by the banking system, to
restore their funds at any time. Those inactive individuals are considered
sleeping partners in secular literature and it is estimated that the growth of
their members in any society would endanger economic growth.
It goes without saying that
partnership based on profit/loss sharing mechanism would help in getting rid of
passive individualistic behaviour. The Islamic modes of finance help directly
in promoting responsibility and risk-taking morals and motivations, which are
quite essential for economic growth. The economic rational of the interest-free
finance is quite clear here, i.e. providers and users of finance will be
sharing together in all the responsibilities and risks involved in the
investment activities from A to Z. All partners are actually active in the
Islamic system. Islamic ethics motivate people to exchange opinions, advice,
share positively in production. All these ethics are basic for rational
behaviour and good deeds. At the same time the sharing ethics will always
provide a support for brotherhood and co-operation among members of the Islamic
society.
4th Argument
Prohibition of interest
would not affect savings, as well as it would not affect their mobilisation
provided that Islamic ethics are prevailing, and the application of various
interest-free financing methods is conducted successfully by specialised
Islamic institutions.
Classical and Neo-classical
economists have held that national saving is positively related to the rate of
interest (S=f(i)). The Keynesian theory refuted this proposition and showed
that saving is a function of income. Practical evidences confirm the Keynesian
proposition to a great extent. High income groups, in comparison to low or
middle income, are more capable of saving in any society. High income
economies, in comparison to low and middle income at the world level, save
higher proportions of their incomes. However attempts to defend "interest'
as a prime mover of saving continued but on new basis. "Real" rather
than "nominal" interest is given much attention by secular economists
in this respect.
Literature concerning these
attempts for developed and developing countries can not be surveyed here. Yet
since Islamic countries belong to the developing world our attention will be
given to empirical studies testing the responsiveness of savings to real
interest within this scope. G. Arrieta (1988) reviewing several empirical
research studies showed that saving responsiveness to real interest could not
be confirmed in five out of nine studies and still requires further enquiries.
The results of secular empirical researchers should be treated with care by
Islamic economists. Conclusions which are unfavourable to the interest system
would strengthen the economic argument against it but they should not intervene
with "belief' concerning riba prohibition in Islam. Also there are cases
in developing countries where empirical studies indicate that real interest
rates played a positive role in mobilising saving resources. These studies
would strengthen the secular view which is supporting the interest system, but
they are irrelevant to the Islamic economic rationale concerning riba
prohibition. In fact the interest mechanism may play a significant role in
mobilising saving resources if its prerequisites are well satisfied. These
prerequisites are mainly; favourable secular laws and values to interest,
active interest-based financial institutions, and savers' willingness to obtain
guaranteed and regular returns on their funds.
Concerning the Islamic
countries we have to be careful, therefore, before drawing any conclusion with
respect to the responsiveness of savings to interest rates (nominal or real).
Secular laws prevailing at present in these countries are favourable to the interest
system, with exceptions in three cases only. Commercial banks were established
in most of the Islamic countries during the Western colonial rule and succeeded
in developing their financial activities gradually. A portion of the Muslim
population have become accustomed to deposit savings in commercial banks in
return for guaranteed regular interest (income). Most of those who developed
these anti- Islamic behaviour have been affected by the western life-style and
secular values. Some of them would assert that they deposit their savings in
commercial banks only because they have no other alternative to
"protect" their funds or to "invest" them. Besides,
governments, large and medium scale businesses in the modern manufacturing, trade
and services sectors deposit their savings in commercial banks.
On the other hand a large
section of population in the Islamic countries is still against interest
transactions. It is important to note that this section has not been affected
by modern attempts to justify interest. And that it is consisting mainly of low
and middle income households, small-scale farmers, traders and manufacturers.
Yet, the petite savings of all those are not given any, of proper, attention by
commercial banks.
Conclusion
Under all these circumstances
it will not be unexpected that interest-based financial policies would be in
some cases, successful in savings mobilisation. However many of the above
mentioned factors are bound to change once 'efficient' Islamic interest-free
financial institutions are established. Not only petite savings will be
mobilised by these Islamic institutions but also the savings of all those who
say that they have no alternative to commercial banks at present.
In fact, a revival of
Islamic Shariah and ethics would settle the matter decisively against the
interest-based system and its ability to mobilise Muslims, savings. But before
realising this precious target, it is very important that the ability of any
new Islamic financial institution to effectively mobilise saving resources
would mainly depend on efficient practice of interest-free financing methods,
success in achieving highest possible "halal" returns and thus
gaining the confidence of the savers to invest their funds through them.
The adverse effects
of interest on society
Justice Muhammad Taqi Usmani
Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan
Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan
The Nature of money and the effects of interest charged by banks and whether it comes within the purview of injustice, are some of the issues discussed by Justice Taqi Usmani, in the course of his judgement on the Historic Judgment on Interest in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, which was considering the Islamisation of the Country's financial system.
Introduction
The Holy Qur'an has itself decided what
is injustice in a transaction of loan, and it is not necessary that everybody
finds out all the elements of injustice in a riba transaction, yet the evil
consequences of interest were never so evident in the past than they are today.
Injustice in a personal consumption loan was restricted to a debtor only, while
the injustice brought by the modern interest affects the economy as a whole. A
detailed account of the rationale of the prohibition of riba would, in fact, require
a seperative volume, but for the purpose brevity we would concentrate on three
aspects of the issue:
i.
The logic of the prohibition on theoretical ground
ii.The evil effects of interest on production
iii.The evil effects of interest on distribution.
ii.The evil effects of interest on production
iii.The evil effects of interest on distribution.
On a purely theoretical ground, two
basic issues will be focused on; firstly on the nature of money and secondly on
the nature of a loan transaction.
Nature of Money:
One of the wrong presumptions on which
all theories of interest are based is that money has been treated as a
commodity. It is, therefore, argued that just as a merchant can sell his
commodity for a higher price than his cost, he can also sell his money for a
higher price than its face value, or just as he can lease his property and can
charge a rent against it, he can also lend his money and can claim interest
thereupon.
Islamic principles, however, do not
subscribe to this presumption. Money and commodity have different
characteristics and therefore they are treated differently. The basic points of
difference between money and commodity are as follows:
(a)
Money has no intrinsic utility. It cannot be utilized in direct fulfilment of
human needs. It can only be used for acquiring some goods or services. A
commodity, on the other hand, has intrinsic utility and can be utilized
directly without exchanging it for some other thing.
(b)
The commodities can be of different qualities while money has no quality except
that it is a measure of value or a medium of exchange. Therefore, all the units
of money of the same denomination, are hundred per cent equal to each other. An
old and dirty note of RS1000/= has the same value as a brand new note of
Rs.I000/=.
(c)
In commodities, the transactions of sale and purchase are effected on an
identified particular commodity .If A has purchased a particular car by
pinpointing it, and seller has agreed, he deserves to receive the same car. The
seller cannot compel him to take the delivery of another car, though of the
same type or quality. Money, on the contrary, cannot be pin-pointed in a
transaction of exchange. If A has purchased a commodity from B by showing him a
particular note of Rs.l000/- he can still pay him another note of the same
denomination.
Based on these basic differences,
Islamic Shariah has treated money differently from commodities, especially on
two scores:
Firstly, money (of the same
denomination) is not held to be the subject matter of trade, like other
commodities. Its use has been restricted to its basic purpose i.e. to act as a
medium of exchange and a measure of value.
Secondly, if for exceptional reasons,
money has to be exchanged for money or it is borrowed, the payment on both
sides must be equal, so that it is not used for the purpose it is not meant for
i.e. trade in money itself.
Imam Al-Ghazzali view on the Nature of
Money
Imam Al-Ghazzali (d.505 A.H.) the
renowned jurist and philosopher of Islamic history discussed the nature of
money in an early period when the Western theories of money were not existent,
at all. He stated:
"The creation of dirhams and
dinars (money) is one of the blessings of Allah. They are stones having no
intrinsic usufruct or utility, but all human beings need them, because every
body needs a large number of commodities for his eating, wearing etc, and often
he does not have what he needs and does have what he needs not... therefore,
the transactions of exchange are inevitable. But there must be a measure on the
basis of which price can be determined, because the exchanged commodities are
neither of the same type, nor of the same measure which can determine how much
quantity of one commodity is a just price for another.
Therefore, all these commodities need a
mediator to judge their exact value Allah Almighty has, therefore, created
dirhams and dinars (money) as judges and mediators between all commodities so
that all objects of wealth are measured through them... and their being the
measure of the value of all commodities is based on the fact that they are not
an objective in themselves. Had they been an objective in themselves, one could
have a specific purpose for keeping them, which might have given them more
importance according to his intention while the one who had no such purpose
would have not given them such importance and thus the whole system would have
been disturbed. That is why Allah has created them, so that they may be
circulated between hands and act as a fair judge between different commodities
and work as a medium to acquire other things. So, the one who owns them is as
he owns every thing, unlike the one who owns a cloth, because he owns only a
cloth, therefore, if he needs food, the owner of the food may not be interested
in exchanging his food for cloth, because he may need an animal for example.
Therefore, there was needed a thing which in its appearance is nothing, but in
its essence is everything. The thing which has no particular form may have
different forms in relation to other things like a mirror, which has no colour,
but it reflects every colour. The same is the case of money. It is not an
objective in itself, but it is an instrument to lead to all objectives.
Hence the one who is using money in a
manner contrary to its basic purpose is, in fact, disregarding the blessings of
Allah. Consequently, whoever hoards money is doing injustice to it and is
defeating their actual purpose. He is like the one who detains a ruler in a
prison. And whoever effects the transactions of interest on money is, in fact,
discarding the blessing of Allah and is committing injustice, because money is
created for some other things, not for itself. So, the one who has started
trading in money itself has made it an objective contrary to the original
wisdom behind its creation, because it is injustice to use money for a purpose
other than it was created for ... If it is allowed for him to trade in money
itself, money will become his ultimate goal and will remain detained with him
like hoarded money. And imprisoning a ruler or restricting a postman from
conveying messages is nothing but injustice."
This brief, yet comprehensive, analysis of the nature of money, undertaken by Imam Al-Ghazzali about nine hundred years ago, is admitted to be true by the economists who came centuries after him. That money is only a medium of exchange and a measure of value is universally accepted by almost all the economists of the world, but unfortunately a large number of these economists failed to recognize the logical outcome of this concept, so clearly elaborated by Imam Al-Ghazzali: that money should not be treated as a commodity meant for being traded in. After holding that money is a commodity, the modern economists have plunged into a dilemma that was never resolved satisfactorily.
This brief, yet comprehensive, analysis of the nature of money, undertaken by Imam Al-Ghazzali about nine hundred years ago, is admitted to be true by the economists who came centuries after him. That money is only a medium of exchange and a measure of value is universally accepted by almost all the economists of the world, but unfortunately a large number of these economists failed to recognize the logical outcome of this concept, so clearly elaborated by Imam Al-Ghazzali: that money should not be treated as a commodity meant for being traded in. After holding that money is a commodity, the modern economists have plunged into a dilemma that was never resolved satisfactorily.
The commodities are classified into the
commodities of first order which are normally termed as 'consumption goods' and
the commodities of the higher order which are called 'productive goods'. Since
money, having no intrinsic utility, could not be included in 'consumption
goods' most of the economists had no option but to put it under the category of
'Production goods', but it was hardly proved by sound logical arguments that
money is a 'production good'. Ludwig Yon Mises, the well-known economist of the
present century has dealt with the subject in detail. He says:
"of course, if we regard the
twofold division of economic goods as exhaustive, we shall have to rest content
with putting money in one group or the other. This has been the position of
most economists; and since it has seemed altogether impossible to call money a
consumption good, there has been no alternative but to call it a production
good... It is true that the majority of economists reckon money among
production goods. Nevertheless, arguments from authority are invalid; the proof
of a theory is in its reasoning, not in its sponsorship; and with all due
respect for the masters, it must be said that they have not justified their
position very thoroughly in the matter."
He then concludes: "Regarded from
this point of view, those goods that are employed as money are indeed what Adam
Smith called them, "dead stock, which... produces nothing."
The author has then expressed his
inclination to the Kien's theory that money is neither consumption good nor a
production good; it is a media of exchange.
The logical result of this finding
would have been that money should not be taken as an instrument that gives birth
to more money on a daily basis, nor should it have been taken as a tradable
commodity, when it is exchanged for another money of the same denomination,
because once it is accepted that money is neither consumption good nor
production good, and that it is merely a medium of exchange, then there remains
no room for making itself an object of profitable trade, for it will be like a
mediator himself has been made a party. But, perhaps due to the overwhelming
domination of interest-based monetarily system, many economists did not proceed
any further to this direction.
Imam Al-Ghazzali, on the other hand,
has taken the concept of 'medium of exchange' to its logical end. He has
concluded that when money is exchanged for money of the same denomination, it
should never be made an instrument generating profit by such exchange.
This approach of Imam Al-Ghazzali,
fully backed, the clear directives of the holy Qur'an and Sunnah, has never
been admitted to be true by some realistic scholars, even in societies dominated
by interest. Many of them after facing the severe consequences of their
financial system based on trade in money have admitted that their economic
plight was caused, inter alia, by the fact that money was not restricted to be
used for its primary function as a medium of exchange.
During the horrible depression of
1930s, an "Economic Crisis Committee" was formed by Southampton
Chamber of Commerce in January 1933. The Committee consisted of ten members
headed by Mr. Dennis Mundy. In its report the committee had discussed the root
causes of the calamitous depression in national and international trade and had
suggested different measures to overcome the problem. After discussing the
pitfalls of the existing financial system, one of the committee's recommendations
was that "In order to ensure that money performs its true function of
operating as a means of exchange and distribution, it is desirable that it
should be traded as a commodity."
This real nature of money which should
have been appreciated as a fundamental principle of the financial system
remained neglected for centuries, but it is now increasingly recognized by the
modern economists. Prof. John Gray, of Oxford University, in his recent work
'False Dawn' has remarked as follows:
"Most significantly, perhaps
transactions on foreign exchange markets have now reached the astonishing sum
of around $1.2 trillion a day, over fifty times the level of the world trade.
Around 95 percent of these transactions are speculative in nature, many using
complex new derivative's financial instruments based on futures and options.
According to Michael Albert, the daily volume of transactions on the foreign
exchange markets of the world holds some $900 billions -equal to France's
annual GDP and some $200 million more than the total foreign currency reserves
of the world central banks. This virtual financial economy has a terrible
potential for disrupting the underlying real economy as seen in the collapse in
1995 of Barings, Britain's oldest bank.
The size of derivatives mentioned by
John Gray was, by the way, of their daily transactions. The size of their total
worth, however, is much greater. It is mentioned by Richard Thomson in his
"Apocalypse Roulette" in the following words: "Financial
derivatives have grown, more or less from standing starting in the early 1970s,
to a $64 trillion industry by 1996. How do you imagine a number that big? You
could say that if you laid all those dollar bills end to end, they would
stretch from here to the sun sixty-six times, or to the moon 25 900
times"'
James Robertson observes in his latest
work, 'Transforming Economic Life' in the following words:
"Today's money and finance system
is unfair, ecologically destructive and economically inefficient, the
money-must-grow imperative derives production (and thus consumption) to higher
than necessary levels. It skews economic effort towards money out of money, and
against providing real services and goods. It also results in a massive
world-wide diversion of effort away from providing useful goods and services,
into making money out of money. At least 95% of the billions of dollars
transferred daily around the world are for purely financial transactions,
unlinked to transactions in the real economy."
This is exactly what Imam Al-Ghazzali
had pointed out nine hundred years ago. The evil results of such an unnatural
trade have been further explained by him as follows:
"Riba (interest), is prohibited
because it prevents people from undertaking real economic activities. This is
because when a person having money is allowed to earn more money on the basis
of interest, either in spot or in deferred transactions, it becomes easy for
him to earn without bothering himself to take pains in real economic
activities. This leads to hampering the real interests of the humanity, because
the interests of the humanity cannot be safeguarded without real trade skills,
industry, and construction."
It seems that Imam- Al-Ghazzali has, in
that early age, pointed out to the phenomenon of monetary factors prevailing on
production, creating a wide gap between the supply of money and the supply of
real goods which has emerged in the later days as the major cause of inflation,
almost the same 'terrible potential' of trading in money as explained by John
Gray and James Robertson in their above extracts. We will examine this aspect a
little later, but what is important at this point is the fact that money, being
a medium of exchange and a measure of value cannot be taken as a
"production good" which yields profit on daily basis, as is presumed
by the theories of interest. This is a mediator and it should be left to play
this exclusive role. To make it an object of profitable trade disturbs the
whole monetary system and brings a plethora of economic and moral hazards to
the whole society.
The Nature of Loan
Another major difference between the
secular capitalist system and the Islamic principles is that under the former
system, loans are purely commercial transactions meant to yield a fixed income
to the lenders. Islam, on the other hand, does not recognize loans as
income-generating transactions. They are meant only for those lenders who do
not intend to earn a worldly return through them. They, instead, lend their
money either on humanitarian grounds to achieve a reward in the Hereafter, or
merely to save their money through a safer hand. So far as investment is
concerned, there are several other modes of investment like partnership etc
which may be used for that purpose. The transactions of loan are not meant for
earning income.
The basic philosophy underlying this
scheme is that one who offers his money to another person has to decide
whether:
(a)he is lending money to him as a sympathetic act; or
(b) he is lending money to the borrower, so that his principal may be saved; or
(c) he is advancing his money to share the profits of the borrower.
In the former two cases (a) and (b) he
is not entitled to claim any additional amount over and above the principal,
because in the case (a) he has offered financial assistance to the borrower on
humanitarian grounds or any other sympathetic considerations, and in the case
(b) his sole purpose is to save his money and not to earn any extra income.
However, if his intention is to share
the profits of the borrower, as in the case (c), he shall have to share his
loss also, if he suffers a loss. In this case, his objective cannot be served
by a transaction of loan. He will have to undertake a joint venture with the
opposite party, whereby both of them will have a joint stake in the business
and will share: its outcome on fair basis. Conversely, if the intent of sharing
the profit of the borrower is designed on the basis of an interest-based loan,
it will mean that the financier wants to ensure his own profit, while he leaves
the profit of the borrower at the mercy of the actual outcome of the business.
There may be a situation where the business of the borrower totally fails. In
this situation he will not only bear the whole loss of the business, but he
will have also to pay interest to the lender, meaning thereby that the profit
or interest of the financier is guaranteed at the price of the destructive loss
of the borrower, which is obviously a glaring injustice.
On the other hand, if the business of
the borrower earns huge profits, the financier should have shared him in the
profit in reasonable proportion, but in an interest-based system, the profit of
the financier is restricted to a fixed rate of return which is governed by the
forces of supply and demand of money and not on the actual profits produced on
the ground. This rate of interest may be much less than the reasonable
proportion a financier might have deserved, had it been a joint venture. In
this case the major part of the profit is secured by the borrower, while the
financier gets much less than deserved by his input in the business, which is
another form of injustice.
Thus, financing a business on the basis
of interest creates an unbalanced atmosphere, which has the potential of
bringing injustice to either of the two parties in different situations. That
is the wisdom for which the Shariah does not approve an interest-based loan as
a form of financing.
Once interest is banned, the role of
'loans' in commercial activities becomes very limited, and the whole financing
structure turns out to be equity-based and backed by real assets. In order to
limit the use of loans, the Shariah has permitted to borrow money only in cases
of dire need, and has discouraged the practice of incurring debts for living
beyond one's means or to grow one's wealth. The well-known event that the Holy
Prophet refused to offer the funeral prayer (salat-ul janazah) of a person who
died indebted was, in fact, to establish the principle that incurring debt
should not be taken as a natural or ordinary phenomenon of life. It should be
the last thing to be resorted to in the course of economic activities. This is
one of the reasons for which interest has been prohibited, because, given the
prohibition of interest, no one will be agreeable to advance a loan without a
return for unnecessary expenses of the borrower or for his profitable projects.
It will leave no room for unnecessary expenses incurred through loans. The
profitable ventures, on the other hand, will be designed on the basis of equitable
participation and thus the scope of loans will remain restricted to a narrow
circle.
Conversely, once interest is allowed,
and advancing loans, in itself, becomes a form of profitable trade, the whole
economy turns into a debt-oriented economy which not only dominates over the
real economic activities and disturbs its natural functions by creating
frequent shocks; but also puts mankind under the slavery of debt. It is no
secret that all the nations of the world, including the developed countries,
are drowned in national and foreign debts to the extent that the amount of
payable debts in a large number of countries exceeds their total income. Just
to take one example of UK, the household debt in 1963 was less than 30% of
total annual income. In 1997, however, the percentage of household debt rose up
to more than 100% of the total income. It means that the household debt
throughout the country, embracing rich and poor alike, represents more than the
entire gross annual incomes of the country. Consumers have borrowed, and made
purchases against their future earnings, equivalent to more than the entirety
of their annual incomes.
Peter Warburton, one of the UK's most
respected financial commentators and a past winner of economic forecasting
awards, has commented on this situation as follows:
"The credit and capital markets
have grown too rapidly, with too little transparency and accountability.
Prepare for an explosion that will rock the western financial system to its
foundation."
Overall Effects of Interest
Interest-based loans have a persistent
tendency in favor of the rich and against the interests of the common people.
It carries adverse effects on production and allocation of resources as well as
on distribution of wealth. Some of these effects are the following:
(a) Evil effects on allocation of
Resources
Loans in the present banking system are
advanced mainly to those who, on the strength of their wealth, can offer
satisfactory collateral. Dr. M. Umar Chapra (Senior Economic Advisor to Saudi
Arabian Monetary Agency) who appeared in this case as a juris-consult has
summarized the effects of this practice in the following words:
"Credit, therefore, tends to go to
those who, according to Lester Thurow, are 'lucky rather than smart or
meritocratic. The banking system thus tends to reinforce the unequal
distribution of capital. Even Morgan Guarantee Trust Company, sixth largest
bank in the U.S has admitted that the banking system has failed to 'finance
either maturing smaller companies or venture capitalist' and 'though awash with
funds, is not encouraged to deliver competitively priced funding to any but the
largest, most cash-rich companies. Hence, while deposits come from a broader
cross-section of the population, their benefit goes mainly to the rich."
The veracity of this statement can be
confirmed by the fact that according to the statistics issued by the State Bank
of Pakistan in September 1999, 9269 account holders out of 2,184,417 (only
0.4243% of total account holders) have utilized Rs.438.67 billion which is
64.5% of total advances as of end December 1998.
(b) Evil effects on production
Since in an interest-based system funds
are provided on the basis of strong collateral and the end-use of the funds
does not constitute the main criterion for financing, it encourages people to
live beyond their means. The rich people do not borrow for productive projects
only, but also for conspicuous consumption.
Similarly, governments borrow money not
only for genuine development programs, but also for their lavish expenditure
and for projects motivated by their political ambitions rather than being based
on sound economic assessment. Non-project-related borrowings, which were
possible only in an interest-based system have thus helped in nothing but
increasing the size of our debts to a horrible extent. According to the budget
of 1998/99 in our country 46 percent of the total government spending is
devoted to debt-servicing, while only 18% is allocated for development which
includes education, health and infrastructure.
(c) Evil effects on distribution
We have already pointed out that when
business is financed on the basis of interest, it may bring injustice either to
the borrower if he suffers a loss, or to the financier if the debtor earns huge
profits. Although both situations are equally possible in an interest-based
system, and there are many examples where the payment of interest has brought
total ruin to the small traders, yet in our present banking system, the
injustice brought to the financier is more pronounced and much more disturbing
to the equitable distribution of wealth.
In the context of modern capitalist
system, it is the banks that advance depositors' money to the industrialists
and traders. Almost all the giant business ventures are mostly financed by the
banks and financial institutions. In numerous cases the funds deployed by the
big entrepreneurs from their own pocket are much less than the funds borrowed
by them from the common people through banks and financial institutions. If the
entrepreneurs having only ten million of their own, acquire 90 million from the
banks and embark on a huge profitable enterprise, it means that 90% of the
projects is created by the money of the depositors while only 10% was generated
by their own capital.
If these huge projects bring enormous
profits, only a small proportion (of interest which normally ranges between 2%
to 10% in different countries) will go to the depositors whose input in the
projects was 90% while all the rest will be secured by the big entrepreneurs
whose real contribution to the projects was not more than 10%. Even this small
proportion given to the depositors is taken back by these big entrepreneurs,
because all the interest paid by them is included in the cost of their
production and comes back to them through the increased prices. The net result
in this case is that all the profits of the big enterprises is earned by the
persons whose own financial input does not exceed 10% of the total investment,
while the people whose financial contribution was as high as 90% get nothing in
real terms, because the amount of interest given to them is often repaid by
them through the increased prices of the products, and therefore, in a number
of cases the return received by them becomes negative in real terms.
While this phenomenon is coupled with
the fact, already mentioned, that 64.5% of total advances went only to 0.4243%
of total account holders, it means that the profits generated mostly by the
money of millions of people went almost exclusively to 9,269 borrowers. One can
imagine how far the interest-based borrowings have contributed to the horrible
inequalities found in our system of distribution, and how great is the
injustice brought by the modern commercial interest to the whole society as
compared to the interest charged on the old consumption loans that affected
only some individuals.
How the present interest-based system
works to favour the rich and kill the poor is succinctly explained by James
Robertson in the following words:
"The pervasive role of interest in
the economic system results in the systematic transfer of money from those who
have less to those who have more. Again, this transfer of resources from poor
to rich has been made shockingly clear by the Third World debt crisis. But it
applies universally. It is partly because those who have more money to lend,
get more in interest than those who have less; it is partly because those who
have less, often have to borrow more; and it is partly because the cost of
interest repayments now forms a substantial element in the cost of all goods
and services, and the necessary goods and services looms much larger in the
finances of the rich . When we look at the money system that way and when we
begin to think about how it should be redesigned to carry out its functions
fairly and efficiently as part of an enabling and conserving economy, the
arguments for an interest-free inflation-free money system for the twenty-first
century seems to be very strong."
The same author in another book
comments as follows:
"The transfer of revenue from poor
people to rich people, from poor places to rich places, and from poor countries
to rich countries by the money and finance system is systematic One cause of
the transfer of wealth from poor to rich is the way interest payments and
receipts work through the economy.
(d) Expansion of artificial money and
inflation
Since interest-bearing loans have no
specific relation with actual production, and the financier, after securing a
strong collateral, normally has no concern how the funds are used by the
borrower, the money supply effected through banks and financial institutions
has no nexus with the goods and services actually produced on the ground. It
creates a serious mismatch between the supply of money and the production of
goods and services. This is obviously one of the basic factors that create or
fuel inflation.
This phenomenon is aggravated to a
horrible extent by the well-known characteristic of the modern banks normally
termed as 'money creation'. Even the primary books of economics usually
explain, often with complacence, how the banks create money. This apparently
miraculous function of the banks is sometimes taken to be one of the factors
that boost production and bring prosperity. But the illusion underlying this
concept is seldom unveiled by the champions of modern banking.
The history of money creation' refers
back to the famous story of the goldsmiths in medieval England. The people used
to deposit their gold coins with them in trust, and they used to issue a
receipt to the depositors. In order to simplify the process, the goldsmiths
started issuing 'bearer' receipts which gradually took the place of gold coins
and the people started using them in settlement of their liabilities. When
these receipts gained wide acceptability in the market, only a small fraction
of the depositors or bearers ever came to the goldsmiths to demand actual gold.
At this point the goldsmiths began lending out some of the deposited gold
secretly and thus started earning interest on these loans. After some time they
discovered that they could print more money (i.e. paper gold deposit
certificates) than actually deposited with them and that they could loan out
this extra money on interest. They acted accordingly and this was the birth of
'money creation' or 'fractional reserve lending' which means to loan out more
money than one has as a reserve for deposits. In this way these goldsmiths,
after becoming more confident, started decreasing the reserve requirement and
increasing the percentage of their self-created credit, and used to loan out
four, five, even ten times more gold certificates than they had in their safe
rooms.
Initially, it was abuse of trust and a
sheer fraud on the part of the goldsmiths not warranted by any norm of equity,
justice and honesty. It was a form of forgery and usurpation of the power of
the sovereign authority to issue money. But overtime, this fraudulent practice
turned into the fashionable standard practice of the modern banks under the
'fractional reserve' system.
How the money changers and bankers have
succeeded in legalizing the creation of money by the private banks, in spite of
the strong opposition from several rulers in England and USA, and how the
Rothchilds acquired financial mastery over the whole of Europe and the
Rockfeller over the whole of America is a long story, now lost in the mist of
numerous theories developed to support the concept of money-creation by the
private banks. But the net result is that the modern banks are creating money
out of nothing. They are allowed to advance loans in the amounts ten times more
than their deposits. The coins and notes issued by the government as a genuine
and debt-free money have now a very insignificant proportion in the total money
in circulation, most of which is artificial money created by advances made by
the banks.
The proportion of real money issued by
the governments has been constantly declining in most of the countries, while
the proportion of the artificial money created by the banks out of nothing is
ever-increasing. The spiral of loans built upon loans is now the major part of
the money supply. Taking the example of UK according to the statistics of 1997
the total money stock in the country was 680 billion pounds, out of which only
25 billion pounds were issued by the government in the form of coins and notes.
All the rest i.e. 655 billion pounds were created by the banks. It means that
the original debt-free money remained only 3.6% of the whole money supply while
96.4% is nothing but a bubble created by the banks. The way this bubble is
growing annually can be seen from the following table that details the quantum
of money supply in UK during twenty years.
|
This table shows that money created by
the banks has been growing with speed throughout the last two decades until it
reached 680 billion pounds in 1997. The last column of the table shows the
yearly declining percentage of the real money to the total money supply, which
fell from 12% in 1977 to 3.6% in 1997. This phenomenon unveils two realities.
Firstly, it shows that 96.4% of the total money supply is debt-ridden money and
only 3.6% is debt free. Secondly, it means that 96.4% of the aggregate money
circulated in the country is nothing but numbers created by computers having no
real thing behind them.
The position in the USA is almost the
same as that in the UK. Patrick S.J Carmack and Bill Still, observe as follows:
"Why are we over our heads in
debt? Because we are labouring under a debt money system, in which all our
money is created in parallel with an equivalent quantity of debt, that is
designed and controlled by private bankers for their benefit. They create and
loan money at interest and we get the debt.
So although the banks do not create
currency, they do create cheque-book money, or deposits, by making new loans.
They even invest some of this created money. In fact, over one trillion dollars
of this privately created money has been used to purchase US bonds on the open
market, which provides the banks with roughly 50 depositors. In this was though
fractional reserve lending, banks create far in excess of 90% of the money and
therefore cause over 90% of our inflation."
Conclusion
All this appalling situation faced by
the whole world today is the logical outcome of giving the interest based
financial system an unbridled power to reign the economy. Can one still insist
that the universal horrors brought about by the commercial interest are byt far
greater than the individual usurious loans that used to affect only some
individuals.
Issues and Relevance of Islamic finance
in Britain
By Iqbal Khan, Managing Director Head
of Global Islamic Finance, HSBC Amanah Finance, UK
Introduction
Philosophical Foundation and Core
Concepts
Islamic finance is an ethical,
indigenous and equitable mode of finance, which derives its principles from the
Quran (The revealed book of Muslims) and tradition of the Prophet Muhammad
(pbuh). Shariah law (Islamic law), which is based on the Quran and Sunnah,
governs Islamic finance.
It is a trend which is broadening the
ownership base, creating more stakeholders and thereby bringing the hope of
stability to more than 1.3 billion Muslims spread across the world.
Islamic Finance as a concept is based
on themes of Community Banking, Ethical and Socially Responsible Investments
and Affinity Marketing. These themes themselves are based on core ideas, which
include individual responsibility, reliance on market mechanism, commitment to
economic and social justice and mandatory care for the environment. These
guidelines also include prohibitions from investing in areas such as Defence
and Armaments, Casinos, Breweries - areas which are considered to be value
destroyers.
In Islamic Finance Scholars say that
everything is allowed except that which has been specifically forbidden. In
essence the believing Muslims view of economics is based on Man's obligation to
organise his affairs in accordance to the will of God as his representative and
vice regent on Earth. The goal is not equality but an avoidance of gross
inequality along with an injunction that wealth should not become "a
commodity between the rich among you". Islamic Finance is firmly embedded
in the commercial, real, value-producing economy.
Early Beginning
The desire of enlightened Muslims to
seek the moral equivalent of Modern Capitalism goes back to Egypt in the early
1960s. The pioneering effort, in Egypt, took the form of a savings bank based
on profit-sharing in the town of Mit Ghamr. The Islamic Development Bank (IDB)
was established in l975 by the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), but it
was primarily an intergovernmental bank aimed at providing funds for
development projects in member countries. The IDB now also extends to private
sector corporates for project and trade finance facilities.
In the mid-seventies, Islamic banks
came into existence in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Since then,
Islamic financial institutions have emerged in a large number of Muslim
countries including Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Turkey, Pakistan, Indonesia and a
belt of other IDB member countries. These institutions have taken the form of
commercial banks, investment banks, investment and finance companies, insurance
companies, etc.
Market sizing
Islamic banking today is an industry
that is still evolving. The industry manages approximately $180 Billion dollars
today, growing at approximately 15% per annum. The growth of Islamic banking is
a result of economic growth in the Islamic world, fuelled primarily by oil
wealth. This growth created a growing middle-wealth segment and hence made
banking a necessary service to the larger segment of the population rather than
a service for the few, as had been the case some 10 to 15 years earlier.
Evolution of Islamic Finance
In the 1970s and 1980s, Islamic banking
was characterised by a large number of commercial banks serving retail Muslim
customers in their respective countries. However, since the late 1980s a shift
towards investment banking has taken place. No where is this better witnessed
than in Bahrain, which has the largest number of offshore Islamic investment
banks in the Muslim world.
In the early years, investments and
products used by most Islamic financial institutions were driven by the concept
of Mudaraba (referred to as Trust Financing) and focused on short-term
investments. During this period, Murabaha (cost-plus finance) emerged as the
most widely used instruments by Islamic banks, accounting for over 80 per cent
of a portfolio of an Islamic bank.
During the 1990s Islamic financial
institutions have become increasingly more innovative, developing more complex
instruments and structures to meet the demands of modern day business. The use
of instruments such as leasing and construction finance have become far more
widespread. Islamic finance tranches have also been structured into big-ticket
syndication.
Equities have only recently opened up
as an asset class to Islamic investors, following approval from the Islamic
Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) Academy in Jeddah, one of the major legal bodies
in the Muslim world. Islamic investors are now able to invest in equities
subject to certain criteria. Over 100 Islamic equity funds have now been
launched since 1995 with Assets under management in excess of $7 billion. Some
of these funds are being sold in UK and it would be useful to make their ISA
compatible.
The Markets and the Players
More than 2/3rd's of Islamic finance
business is currently originated in the Middle East. The GCC countries, with
the exception of Oman, are all major markets for Islamic finance. Bahrain is
regarded as the hub for Islamic finance. Other major non-GCC markets for
Islamic finance include Egypt, Malaysia, Turkey, Indonesia, and Pakistan.
Malaysia operates a dual banking system
promoted by the government. This allows conventional financial institutions,
investment banks, commercial banks and finance companies to launch separate
Islamic banking divisions, competing alongside two Islamic banks, Bank Islam Malaysia
and Bank Muamalat Malaysia. Bank Negara Malaysia (the central bank) has its own
Shariah Advisory Board, which sets the rules for the entire Islamic banking
sector, ensuring uniformity of products and services.
Over 150 Islamic financial institutions
now operate in over 40 countries around the world, from commercial banks,
investment banks, investment companies to leasing, and insurance companies.
The Products and Structures
Islamic banks around the world have
devised many financial products based on the risk-sharing, profit-sharing
principles of Islamic banking. For day to day banking activities, a number of
financial instruments have been developed that satisfy the Islamic doctrine and
provide acceptable financial returns for investors. Broadly speaking, the areas
in which Islamic banks are most active are in trade and commodity finance,
property and leasing. Almost every Islamic bank has a committee of religious
advisers whose opinion is sought on the acceptability of new instruments and
services and who have to provide a religious opinion of the bank's activities
for year-end accounts.
Britain and Islamic finance
Community Banking
Muslims in Britain and throughout the
world aspire to carry out their financial matters in accordance with the
principles of Islamic law. Muslims are forbidden from obtaining the various
conventional banking and insurance products and services in the forms currently
offered due to their incompatibility with the principles of Islamic law.
It is estimated by various surveys that
over 2 million Muslims are permanently residing in the UK. The community is
predominantly composed of people from the Indian sub continent who have settled
in Britain during the 1950s. Beside them, there are also Muslims of Middle
Eastern and North African origins. Additionally there is a growing population
of indigenous Muslims.
The UK Muslim community has now reached
the "Second-Generation" stage. The first wave of immigrants having
settled down, the second-generation Muslims are now slowly penetrating the
different strata of the British society. It is not uncommon to find successful
Muslim lawyers, chartered accountants, bankers, businessmen and even Members of
Parliament, both at the House of Lords and the House of Commons.
The third generation of Muslims are
also emerging from the educational system and is projected to increase the
Muslims' presence in all strata of British society, especially, the educated
middle class.
The vast majority of Muslims either is
living in rented houses or has taken conventional interest-based mortgages. The
total number of Muslim households as estimated by the Muslim Council of Britain
is around 500,000. Of the 500,000 households, it is estimated by various market
researches that approximately 40,000 families seek financing for home purchases
each year.
We have regularly received enquiries
regarding the availability of Islamic finance products, in particular
Islamically compatible finance to purchase both residential and commercial
properties. It is believed that a large number of Muslims have abstained from
taking the conventional mortgage because of its incompatibility with the
Islamic principles. The needs of these Muslims need to be served immediately.
Beside the market represented by
Muslims living in Britain, there is potential for overseas investors to be
introduced by HSBC. We understand that a considerable number of Muslims living
abroad (mainly in the Middle East) had expressed their desire to own properties
in Britain (mainly as a holiday residence) but have been reluctant to embark
into an interest bearing financing facility. For these investors an Islamic
home financing scheme will offer the opportunity to own a property in Britain.
Islamic Home Financing
Structure
The potential customer, having
identified the property, will approach the Bank to finance the purchase of the
property. The transaction structure will be as follows:
- The customer chooses the property for purchase and agrees the purchase price with the owner of the property ("Seller"). The bank buys the property from the Seller at the agreed price. The customer will be requested to provide a deposit against the purchase price, but the Bank will remain the sole registered owner.
- The customer signs a lease agreement with the Bank. The lease will be for a period of up to 25 years with the lease rentals to be reviewed annually to reflect the capital repayment. The terms of the lease agreement will stipulate that in the event of a default the Bank will have the right to repossess and sell the property.
- The customer/lessee will give an undertaking that in the event of a default under the lease agreement, the Bank/lessor will have the right to compel the customer to purchase the property for the purchase price (which shall equal the amount of principal outstanding).
- There will also be an undertaking whereby the Bank/lessor promises to sell the property to the customer/lessee at the end of the agreed lease period (i.e., when the whole of the principal portion has been repaid). There will also be a provision for certain other specified instances including when the customer desires to sell the property.
The above structure would allow British
Muslims to get access to home financing without forcing them to choose between
their religion and home ownership. It allows British Muslims to purchase homes
without violating Islamic prescriptions on borrowing money on which interest is
charged. Further, this initiative will be consistent with the well-established
public policy of encouraging home ownership and making Muslim stakeholders in
Britain.
Islamic Home Financing: Current
Impediments
1. Risk Weighting
A key element, which will impact the
pricing, is the FSA's approach to risk weighting for this product. FSA has
provisionally ruled that the product is to be 100% risk weighted. This is
essentially because the transaction is equivalent to a lease and leases are
weighted 100%. This assumes that the house remains the property of the Bank
throughout the term of the transaction and is treated as a fixed asset on its
balance sheet. If we are obliged to weigh at 100% then pricing will be
significantly higher than the conventional mortgage rate. Good Muslims should
not be penalised for being good Muslims. The Muslims in the United States have
approached the Comptroller of the Currency Administration of National Banks
("OCC") to seek the approval for Islamic home finance based on the
above leasing structure. The OCC had in 1997 approved the Islamic home
financing based on the above leasing structure and ruled, inter alia, that the
banks' risks under the Islamic leasing structure are similar to the risks on
traditional mortgage loans (see OCC's Interpretive Letter #806). We hope that a
similar approval would be granted in Britain.
2. Taxation
The transfer of ownership from vendor
to bank at the commencement of the lease and from bank to customer at the end
of the lease, may attract the payment of two sets of stamp duty. The second set
would arise at the end of the term of the lease at the rate of stamp duty then
applicable. The second set of stamp duty needs to be exempted because the true
effect of the transfer is similar to the redemption of a conventional mortgage
or charge: when the property finally vests with the customer without any
encumbrance. If the second set of stamp duty is not exempted, the uncertain
cost of the second stamp duty would make the Islamic home financing
unattractive and cost prohibitive.
3. Legal Fees
Unlike the conventional mortgage the
proposed product would require the appointment of two sets of Solicitors,
thereby making the product more expensive. It is suggested that the Law Society
should consider giving a general exemption as is done for the mortgage product.
For British Corporates
Britain has always been a major trading
partner of the Muslim world. Trade volumes became increasing significant in
some parts of the Muslim world in the 1970s following the oil driven economic
boom.
The oil boom during this period brought
about growth in the domestic economies of the oil producing countries. This
brought opportunities for British firms to play a role in building the
infrastructure of these countries. Surplus funds from the Muslim world found
their way into the safe and stable environments in Britain to be managed by
London-based banks.
Similarly, funds have also been
channelled into direct investments. Good examples here are Kuwait Investment
Office's acquisition of a 20% stake in BP stands out, the acquisition of Lotus
the car manufacturers by Proton, the Malaysian car company and purchase of the
Hartwell Group by a prominent trading family from Saudi Arabia.
The investment in the London property
market by the investors from the Muslim world has historically been very
important. Real estate analysts believe that in 1998 alone well over 20% of all
such investments came from the Muslim world. In addition, a significant number
of Muslim businesses in Britain are also seeking Islamically compatible finance
to purchase commercial properties in Britain.
We are witnessing an increasing desire
from Muslim investors that these funds be managed and corporate acquisitions be
structured under Islamic financial principles. Here UK regulators can play an
important role in facilitating the flows of funds and investments into Britain
from the Muslim world through the introduction of "Islamic finance
friendly" regulation.
UK corporates too, trading with their
counterparties in the Muslim world need to be cognisant of the growth of this
indigenous and ethical mode of financing and be aware of the characteristics,
qualities and benefits of Islamic finance.
For British Exporters
Many of the Muslim countries throughout
the world would be classified as developing markets. Consequently, cross-border
funding for these countries from western financial markets may be either
restricted or limited, thus hindering trade and investment flows between the UK
and the Muslim world. Here Islamic financial institutions, who have a greater
knowledge and understanding of these markets and consequently the risks, can
play key role by providing financing in instances where western commercial
financiers would be unwilling to lend.
British exporters and British export
credit agencies would benefit tremendously by using this indigenous form of
finance to gain access to precious cross-border lines in the 54 Islamic
Development Bank Member Countries, These cross-border lines could become a
tremendous source of competitive advantage for British exporters.
Today Islamic finance is a trend, which
is broadening the ownership base, and creating more stakeholders. It offers a
viable financial alternative that may run parallel to conventional finance.
Regulators, bankers, asset managers and users of capital in Britain may
capitalise on the opportunities afforded by this market and play a proactive
role.
London already supports this form of
finance by offering products and services through its financial institutions
and through leading law firms. The regulatory authorities should come out
proactively to introduce regulations which will allow these instruments to be
established as an ethical alternative to other instruments which are available
in the London financial markets, meeting the needs of Islamic fund providers.
This will require an understanding and
appreciation of the roles which these ethical indigenous instruments play in
keeping the commercial economy as close as possible to the financial economy.
British exporters to the Muslim countries would be in a very favourable
position if they could provide not only the exports but also export financing
that meets the importers' religious requirements. HSBC is working together with
the Export Credits Guarantee Department and other Export Credit Agencies in the
EEC to provide Islamically compatible financing and guarantee for exports to
Muslim countries. The proactive role of the ECGD is providing Islamically
acceptable financing is essential to ensure that British exporters to the
Muslim countries have an edge over others. This would lead to more trades
between Britain and the Muslim countries, which could lead to a positive
contribution to the British economy.
Conclusion
Islamic Finance has mainstream
relevance for British Muslims, British Business and British Exporters. It is
therefore important that relevant Government Institutions such as ECGD, FSA and
DTI should pay attention to this corporate and social responsibility movement,
which is becoming increasingly important for both Muslims in Britain and
abroad.
Perhaps more important is the
demonstration effect which such an effort may have for all of humanity.
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. described
the challenge, which we face:
"Through our scientific genius we
have made the world a neighbourhood, now through our moral and spiritual genius
we must make of it a brotherhood."
It is in this domain and in bringing
the financial economy close to the commercial economy that Islamic Finance can
make a real and lasting difference. Britain with its history and culture of
trade, commence and community banking is well positioned to benefit from this
growing trend of Islamic Finance.
Islamic Investment Products Available In The United
Kingdom
Professor Rodney Wilson
University of Durham, United Kingdom
University of Durham, United Kingdom
Introduction
London has become the
largest international centre for Islamic finance outside the Muslim World,
largely as a result of the City's role as a centre for Middle Eastern and Asian
banking. Treasury management facilities are provided on behalf of Islamic banks
in the Gulf, and Islamic fund management and promotion is becoming more
significant. Possibilities for Islamic electronic financial services are
opening up, and London is the major centre for information gathering and
dissemination on the Islamic banking industry.
London's role in serving the
British Muslim community has been disappointing and despite almost two decades
of experience of Islamic financing, there are few retail products available.
The aim of this article is to ask why this continues to be the case, to review
the limited range of products on offer, and to see if there are any more
hopeful signs for the future.
Islamic financial
services in the UK
The Muslim community in the
United Kingdom numbers more than 1.5 million British citizens and permanent
residents, with up to another 500,000 temporary residents including students
and visitors. The community is ethnically and linguistically diverse however,
and geographically scattered, that makes marketing aimed at attracting the
attention of the community a major challenge. The community is increasingly
affluent, and comprises a growing number of professionals such as doctors, as
well as a substantial small business component.
Although casual evidence
suggests there is a greater propensity to use cash for transactions than with
the population generally, the demand for banking and financial products is not
markedly different from the national picture. Some devout Muslims avoid using
conventional interest based banks, and others donate interest earnings to
charity in an attempt to purify their income. The majority use conventional
financing services, largely because they have little alternative, and tend,
like the rest of the population, to have greater trust in large retail financial
institutions with established brand names. For Islamic financial institutions
to gain acceptance within the community there would need to be a substantial
educational and marketing promotion.
HSBC Islamic Financing
In many respects the HSBC is
the best placed British retail bank to potentially offer Islamic financial
services to the local Muslim community, but so far it has been reluctant to
take on the promotional and marketing risks. HSBC's advantage is that it
already has an Islamic finance unit and extensive experience through its global
operations in this type of business. It has a significant presence in many
Muslim countries, including Malaysia, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and has become a
major force in Middle Eastern banking since its acquisition of the British Bank
of the Middle East. Its network includes six branches in Bahrain, six in
Lebanon, fifteen in the United Arab Emirates, nine in Egypt, and five in Oman.
HSBC also owns a minority stake in the Saudi British Bank that has 80 branches
in the kingdom. These networks give the bank unparalleled business knowledge of
different Muslim societies.
In the United Kingdom HSBC
is the only high street bank to have a dedicated network of branches to serve
the South Asian community with staff who speak Urdu and are themselves part of
the community. It has teams of specialist business banking managers who profess
to understand the needs of small Asian businesses. Its South Asian network has
11 branches in Blackburn, Glasgow, Harrow, Leeds, Leicester, London (2),
Manchester, Preston, Walsall and Uxbridge. Islamic products could potentially
be offered through all these branches.
It is however easier for
HSBC, like other British retail banks, to offer conventional loans and savings
products rather than to introduce differentiated products for a potential
market of Muslim clients who do business with the bank in any case. The gains
from cross selling Islamic products to existing clients are not thought to be
great, and the potential to attract new clients limited due to the inertia of
most retail account holders. HSBC therefore has concentrated on serving foreign
Muslim clients of high net worth through its international operations, and in
serving Islamic banks through wholesale business, rather than the domestic
market. The HSBC's Amanah Global Equity Fund is marketed to foreign investors,
for example, rather than the British Muslim community.
United Bank of Kuwait's
Islamic Investment Banking Unit's Manzil Scheme
The most significant Islamic financial product to be launched for the Muslim community in the United Kingdom was the Manzil home purchase plan. Manzil can be translated as home, or in spiritual terms as the house or dwelling of the soul. The original scheme, which was introduced in 1997, provides for murabaha financing through a trading mark-up contract. The Islamic Investment Banking Unit that runs the scheme is a part of the United Bank of Kuwait, which was established in London in 1966 to serve Kuwaiti overseas financial and commercial interests. In August 2000 it was taken over by the Al-Ahli Commercial Bank, which formed a new institution, the Ahli United Bank. This has been registered as an offshore banking unit in Bahrain with its shares listed on the stock exchange in Manama.
The most significant Islamic financial product to be launched for the Muslim community in the United Kingdom was the Manzil home purchase plan. Manzil can be translated as home, or in spiritual terms as the house or dwelling of the soul. The original scheme, which was introduced in 1997, provides for murabaha financing through a trading mark-up contract. The Islamic Investment Banking Unit that runs the scheme is a part of the United Bank of Kuwait, which was established in London in 1966 to serve Kuwaiti overseas financial and commercial interests. In August 2000 it was taken over by the Al-Ahli Commercial Bank, which formed a new institution, the Ahli United Bank. This has been registered as an offshore banking unit in Bahrain with its shares listed on the stock exchange in Manama.
Once the client has chosen a
suitable property and agreed a price he approaches the bank for Manzil
financing. An application form is completed together with a direct debit
mandate for the monthly payments if the request for financing is approved by
the bank's credit committee. The client must pay 0.1 percent of the purchase
price of the property, or a minimum of £176.25 including VAT, so that the bank
can commission an independent valuation of the property. The IIBU will also
seek references regarding the client's financial position, usually from an
employer or accountant and current bank. The client's solicitor will be
expected to liase with the IIBU's solicitor who will seek assurances regarding
the legal title of the property, which may involve legal searches.
For murabaha to be
legitimate under Islamic law, the bank, as financier of the property, must be
the first owner. It is therefore the bank, and not the client, who contracts
with the vendor and pays the deposit required when contracts are exchanged. The
sale price from the IIBU to the client has to allow for administrative
expenses, a return to the bank's investors and a profit margin. The client pays
the purchase price through fixed monthly payments over a period of up to 15
years.
The Manzil Ijara Home
Hire Purchase Plan
The Manzil ijara scheme,
which was introduced in March 1999, has proved much more popular than original
murabaha house purchase plans. It is the flexibility that seems to appeal to
clients, who can repay larger amounts as and when they can afford to do so to
reduce their rental payments. They have the right to purchase the entire
property from the bank at any time, but few are likely to choose to do so in
the first few years, largely because they lack the funds. Those with the
necessary funds to purchase a property outright would not have sought a Manzil
home purchase arrangement in the first place.
Under the Manzil ijara
scheme the property is registered in the bank's name, not just initially, but
throughout the period of the lease that may extend to 25 years. The tenant or
lessee agrees at the outset to eventually purchase the entire property, but at
the original price that the bank paid without any mark-up. The monthly payments
by the client comprise three elements. The first represents the repayments of
the funds that the bank has used to purchase the property. The second is the
rent on the property, which is the source of the bank's profit. The rent is
reassessed annually to ensure the bank is making a reasonable return and
adjusted downward to reflect payments already made. The third element of the
monthly payment, referred to as insurance rent, is to recover the cost of the
insurance that the bank has to pay on the property. Over time the monthly
payments may increase or reduce or both, depending on the size of the first
repayments element that the client decides he can afford. Early repayment could
be potentially unprofitable for the bank, unless it can obtain a higher return
by reinvesting the funds.
The Success of the Manzil
Scheme
Although there has only been
limited marketing effort put into the Manzil schemes there are between 50 and
80 potential clients a week who phone to enquire about Manzil house purchase
and a further 40 who respond by email to the Web pages. This translated into
around 20 applications per week for Manzil house purchases. The majority of
applications are for housing purchase in the South East of England, but there
is also a steady stream of enquiries from the Midlands and the North. Because
of the different conveyancing system under Scottish law, Manzil financing is
not available for house purchases north of the border. A down payment of 20
percent of the value of the property is required for all Manzil financing,
which is higher than for conventional mortgages, but ensures that the client
has a significant equity stake in the property from the outset. The minimum
value of the property purchased is £50,000, which is a very modest sum in
relation to property values in the South East, but which has applied to some of
the inner city properties acquired in the Midlands and the North.
Under the Manzil ijara
scheme clients can convert existing interest based mortgages. The banks shariah
board's members, Justices Shaikh Muhammed Taqi Usmani and Shaikh Nizam Yaquby,
have approved a conversion plan whereby the IIBU purchases the property from a
client for a sum sufficient to repay the current loan plus certain costs and
expenses, with the bank's payment being repaid over a period of years by the
client. The bank's profit is derived from the rent the client pays over under
the ijara wa-Iqtina hire purchase scheme.
Fund Management
Possibilities
London is the major European
centre for fund management, both for funds listed onshore and offshore funds
listed in the Channel Islands, Dublin, Luxembourg and other centres. There are
seven Islamic funds that are promoted in the Muslim world but managed from
London and four that are both promoted and managed from London. All of these
are designed for clients in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf, with the prices
denominated in dollars and the funds administered from offshore tax havens. The
HSBC Amanah Global Equity Fund is typical of these offerings, being listed in
Luxembourg and managed to provide exposure to leading companies worldwide with
a particular focus on major multinationals whose primary listing is in New
York.
There have been mixed
fortunes for Islamic funds managed from London with Kleinwort Bensons' Islamic
Fund, the first to be established in 1986, being wound up in 1989 because of
poor subscriptions. Flemings Oasis Fund was launched with great promise back in
1996, but was liquidated in 2000 following the take-over by Chase of Flemings.
The Institutional Investor of Kuwait, which managed the Ibn Majeed Fund that
was listed in Dublin, decided to close its London office in 2000 and focus its
operations in the Gulf.
The only sterling
denominated fund was the Halal Mutual, also listed in Dublin, and managed by
the Gulf based Al Tadamon Group. It was designed to provide income from
commodity trading rather than equity investment, the price being fixed at £250,
but with the income dependent on trading profits, which in practice was always
around 3.6 to 3.8 percent gross, a very modest return.
None of these funds is of
much interest to the British Muslim community, who as United Kingdom residents
have potential tax liabilities on both income and capital gains, and therefore
cannot take advantage of offshore funds. For local Muslims what is required is
an Islamic fund that can qualify for tax exemptions under the Individual
Savings Account (ISA) scheme. This provides for exemption from capital gains
and income tax for up to £7,000 invested in any tax year for qualifying funds
in a maxi ISA. This has proved popular with ethical and ecological investors,
with funds such as the Friends Provident Stewardship and the Jupiter Merlin
Ecology qualifying for this status. Similar on-shore funds that complied with
the Sharia law could potentially appeal to British Muslim investors if a major
fund management group was willing to take the initiative.
Conclusion
Although London has emerged
as the major western centre for Islamic finance so far it has failed to serve
the United Kingdom Muslim community. The major retail banks and fund management
institutions seem reluctant to take the initiative by promoting shariah
compliant products for the local market. Whether the new on-line financial
services groups such as ii-online.com or ihilal.com break into this market
remains to be seen, but this may be one way forward.
Islamic
Mortgages
Q. I have a
problem, my husband does not want to buy a house here in USA because of
mortgages (interest) but we are paying 1800 US$ dollars every month. So could
you please send me the lists of those Islamic banks that do interest free
banking. Thanks
S. S
USA |
A. Thank you very much for your e-mail.
Regarding Islamic financial institutions that offer Shariah compliant
mortgages in the US, please contact:
1) United Bank of Kuwait
(Al Manzil Islamic Finance) New York 10022 Tel 1 212 9068500 Fax: 1 212 3194762 2) Ameen Housing Co operative 800 San Antonio Road, Suite 1 Palo Alto, san Francisco CA 94303 Tel: 415 8560440 |
|
Q. I am a Muslim
resident of NY, USA, a US citizen. Our family has been living in the US for
about 15 years now. We are in the process of looking for a suitable house for
our family. I would like to know if you offer interest free loans, even if
they cost us more than interest loans in the long run, anything not to involve
ourselves in riba.
Please get back to me with your answer.
R. K
USA |
A. Thank you very much
for your enquiry. Unfortunately we are not a financial institution, hence do
not provide any Islamic financial services. Our institute is dedicated to the
promotion of Islamic Banking, we are involved in publications and offer
training and research programs. There are financial institutions in the US
that do offer Islamic housing financing.
|
|
Q.I wonder if you
can send me details of the banks that are offering Islamic mortgages in the
UK preferably on a flexible payment scheme etc.
L. M.
UK |
A. Please contact the
Islamic Investment banking Unit of the United Bank of Kuwait, London, they offer
Islamic mortgages. Contact details: 0207 487 6626.
|
|
Q - A person who
owns property in a European country and pays (real estate) taxes on it,
subsequently has the money earning interest in a European bank. Is it lawful
for this person to take interest and use it to pay the property taxes?
|
A
- It is an established rule that interest earned from deposits in riba-based
banks must be disposed off by charitable means, other than the construction
of mosques or the printing of the Qur'an. No obligation may be discharged
with the interest; so it may not be used to pay taxes or debts.
|
|
Q - People in
western countries buy homes by means of mortgages. My question concerns the
lawfulness of buying a home in cash (no mortagage) from an owner who
originally bought the home with a mortgage, and for which there is still an
outstanding amount owed to the bank? Once the home is sold, the previous
owner will pay off the mortgage with the proceeds of the sale and keep the
rest. Secondly, if I own a home, can I sell it to a person who will finance
his/her purchase of the home by means of a mortgage? Should I care where the
money I receive as payment for the home is coming from?
M.F
U.S.A |
A - This question
brings up some important issues. To begin with, it is clear that conventional
home financing in most western countries is based on the idea of mortgaging
which, in turn, is based on riba and thus repellent in the extreme to all
Muslims. Even so, a number of reputable Muslim scholars have written fatwas
which allow, on the basis of legal necessity (darurah), the purchase of homes
in the west through mortgages. These fatwas are based on the assumption,
however, that no Shari`ah-compliant alternative is available. Should such
alternatives become available, however, the legal necessity will no longer
exist, and the fatwas will no longer be valid. Allah willing, in the near
future, Shari`ah-compliant alternatives to mortgages will become available to
Muslims worldwide. None of this, however, changes the question above.
The first part (a) of
the question asks whether or not it is lawful to purchase, for cash, a home
financed by the seller through a mortgage which, at the time of sale, has not
matured (i.e., the seller has not finished paying off the mortgage and plans
to use the cash from the sale to do so). Thus, the concern of the questioner
in this instance would appear to be in regard to hadith prohibiting one's
direct and indirect participation in riba. In the case mentioned in the
question, a part of the cash payment advanced by the questioner would
undoubtedly be used by the seller to pay off a mortgage. In this manner it
would appear that the buyer is indirectly involved in the payment of riba.
The second part (b) of
the question is similarly concerned with indirect involvement in riba, but
from another perspective.
In fact, there is no
involvement in either case, neither direct nor indirect. The most that can be
said is that there is an appearance of involvement, but appearance and
reality are two different matters.
In the first part of
the question, the transaction of sale is compliant in every aspect with the
teachings of the Shari`ah. It takes place between two compentent parties,
there is an offer and its acceptance, the object of the sale (a home) is
itself halal, and the purchase price is paid by halal means, or cash. The
subsequent uses to which the seller may put that cash is of no legal
consequence to the sale. The seller may give it to the poor, or he may spend
it on sin. In either case, the sale of the house is valid, and the buyer may
rest assured that s/he has done nothing wrong. The same is true in regard to
the second part of the question because there, again, the sale is completely
Shari`ah-compliant. Even though the buyer has financed his end of the deal by
means of a mortgage, the bank with which he has contracted, or the mortgage
company, will pay cash to the seller. In this manner, then, the transaction
described in the second part of the question will be perfectly halal.
While the caution on
the part of the questioner is to be admired, it must be understood that a
Muslim is responsible for ensuring that his or her transactions are halal.
Beyond that, money will pass through the hands of all manner of people,
honest and dishonest, just and unjust, and for all manners of purposes, halal
and haram. In his work entitled The Book of the Halal and the Haram, Imam Abu
Hamid al Ghazali wrote:
One who knows for a
certainty that the wealth of the world has definitely had the Haram
intermixed with it need not abstain from buying and selling, or from eating,
because that would be an undue burden. And Islam is not a burden. This is
attested to by the fact that in the time of the Prophet of Allah, Allah bless
him and grant him peace, when a shield was stolen, and when an abba was
misappropriated from among the spoils of war, no one refrained from buying
shields or abbas. The same applies to anything stolen. Likewise, it was known
at that time that certain people were making usurious transactions in dinars
and dirhams, yet neither the Prophet of God, upon him be peace, nor his
Companions refrained from dealing with dinars and dirhams. Essentially, then,
the world will be free of the Haram only when people stop doing wrong, and
that is impossible.
|
Q
Muslims in the UK are greatly interested in purchasing homes through Islamic
financing. What procedure does this entail and how does it function?
|
A. A Islamic banks can
participate in home financing on the basis of diminishing Musharakah.
This concept requires
the financier and the client to participate in the joint ownership of a
property. The share of the financier is further divided into a number of
units.
The client is then
able to purchase those units one by one periodically, thus increasing his own
share till all the units of the financier are purchased making the client the
sole owner of the property.
Transactions involved
in Diminishing Musharaka
The proposed
arrangement is based on the following transactions:
The first step is to
create a joint ownership in the property. There is no objection from Islamic
scholars against structuring this transaction.
The second part of the
arrangement is that the financier leases his share in the house to the client
and charges rent to him.
Islamic scholars also
permit this transaction, however where the undivided share is leased out to a
third party, its permissibility has been a point of contention between Muslim
jurists.
Imam Abu Hanifa and
Imam Zufar are of the view that the undivided share cannot be leased out to a
third party, while Imam Malik and Imam ShafiT, Abu Yusuf and Muhammad Ibn
Hassan hold that the undivided share can be leased out to any person.
But so far as the
property is leased to the partner himself, all of them are unanimous on the
validity of this Tjarah leasing transaction that eventually results in full
ownership.
The third step in the
arrangement is that the client purchases different units of the undivided
share of the financier. If the undivided share relates to both land and
building, the sale of both is allowed according to all the Islamic schools.
Similarly if the
intention is to sell the undivided share of the building to the partner, all
the Muslim Jurists also, unanimously, permit it. Again, there is a difference
of opinion if it is to be sold to a third party.
It is clear from the
previous three points that each of the transactions mentioned above are
allowed per se, but the question is whether this transaction maybe combined
in a single arrangement.
The answer is that if
these transactions have been combined by making each one of them a condition
to the other, then the Shariah does not permit this.
It is a
well-established rule of the Islamic legal system that one transaction cannot
be made a pre-condition for another.
However, the proposed
scheme suggests that instead of making two transactions conditional to each
other, there should be an undertaking from the client.
Firstly, to take the
share of the financier on lease and pay the agreed rent, and secondly, to
purchase the units of the share of the financier of the house at different
stages.
This leads to the
fourth transaction, which is the enforce-ability of such an undertaking or
promise. It is generally believed that an undertaking or promise to do
something creates only a moral obligation on that person, which cannot be
enforced through courts of law.
However there are a number
of Muslim Jurists who hold the view that promises are enforceable, and the
court of law can compel people to fulfill their promise, especially, in the
context of commercial activities.
Some Maliki and Hanafi
jurists have declared that an undertaking or promise can be enforced through
courts of law in cases of need. The Hanafi Jurists have adopted this view
with regards to a particular sale called bai-bilwafa.
Bai-bilwafa is a
special arrangement for the sale of a house where a buyer promises the seller
that whenever the seller repays him/her the price of the house, he/she will
resell the house hack to the original seller.
Hanafi jurists, on the
other hand, have argued that if the resale of the house to the original
seller is made a condition for the initial sale, it is not permitted.
However, if the first
sale is effected without any condition, but alter effecting the sale, the
buyer promises to resell the house whenever the seller offers him the same
price. Then this promise is acceptable and it creates not only a moral
obligation, but also an enforceable right of the original seller.
The Muslim jurists
allowing this arrangement have based their view on the principle that
"the promise can be made enforceable at the time of need".
One may raise an objection
that if the promise of resale has been taken before entering into an actual
sale, it practically amounts to putting a condition on the sale itself,
because the promise is understood to have been entered into between the
parties at the time of sale.
Therefore, even if the
sale is without an express condition, it should he taken as conditional
because a promise in an express term has preceded it.
This objection can be
answered by saying that there is a big difference between putting a condition
in the sale and making a separate promise without making it a condition. If
the condition is expressly mentioned at the time of sale, it means that the
sale will be valid only il' the condition is fulfilled, meaning that if the
condition is not fulfilled in future, the present sale will become void.
This makes the
transaction of sale contingent upon a future event that may or may not occur.
It leads to uncertainty (Gharar) in the transaction, which is totally
prohibited in Shariah. Conversely, if the sale is without any condition, but
one of the two parties has promised to do something separately, then the sale
cannot be held to be contingent or conditional upon fulfilment of the promise
made.
It will take effect
irrespective of whether or not the promise is fulfilled. Even if the promise
is backed out of, the sale will remain effective. The most that the person
whom the promise has been made to can do is to compel those undertaking the
promise, through the courts of law, to fulfil that promise.
A claim for actual
damages suffered resulting from a default can consequently be made. This
makes it clear that a separate and independent promise to purchase does not
render the original contract conditional or contingent. Therefore it can be
enforced.
Conditions of Diminishing
Musharaka
On the basis of the
above analysis, diminishing Musharakah may be used for House Financing
subject to the following conditions: The agreement of joint purchase, leasing
and selling different units of the share of the financier should not be tied
up together in one single contract.
However, the joint
purchase and the contract of lease may be joined in one document whereby the
financier agrees to lease his share, after joint purchase, to the client.
This is permitted because Ijara can be effected for a future date.
At the same time the
client may sign a one-sided promise to purchase different units of the share
of the financier periodically and the financier may undertake that when the
client purchases a unit of his share, the rent of the remaining units will be
reduced accordingly.
At the time of the
purchase of each unit, sale must be effected by the exchange of an offer and
acceptance at that particular date.
It is preferable that
the purchase of different units by the client be effected on the basis of the
market value of the house as prevalent on the date of purchase of that unit.
It is also permissible
that a particular price is agreed in the promise of purchase signed by the
client.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful
for the Finance House to purchase real estate owned jointly between partners
(four brothers, each with their own share) and then to sell it to one of them
at his request? Secondly is it legitimate for the Finance House to purchase
the share of one of two partners who jointly own real estate, and thereafter
to sell the share to the other partner?
A.K
India |
A
- With regards to the first question, if the Finance House buys the shares of
the other heirs, and not the share of the person who came to it, and then
sells the shares of the house it bought to that person, there is nothing to
prohibit it legally from doing so, as such a deal is lawful and without
reproach. On the second question, if the Finance House buys the entire house
from the heirs, and then sells it to one of them, that will be lawful from a
Shari'ah perspective so long as the purchase by the Finance House is not made
conditional upon its selling the house to one of the heirs.
|
Takaful on Shari'ah Ruling
Q - Is it lawful to pay a part of the
surplus from the Takaful fund at the end of each year into a reserve kept for
the purpose of meeting the demands of takaful, when this is done voluntarily
by the subscribers to the takaful?
Also will it be lawful if the shares
of all those who withdraw (either by notice or owing to non-payment of
premiums) from the mudarabah (established for the takaful) during the period
of subscription are returned to such a reserve, and the shares of
participants to whom takaful payments in excess of their own contributions
have been made?
A.N
Saudi Arabia |
A - Yes, it is lawful to pay a part
of the surplus from the takaful fund at the end of each year into a reserve
kept for the purpose of meeting the demands of takaful, when this is done
voluntarily by the subscribers to the takaful fund. Also when their consent
to the same is obtained in writing on the application form (for the takaful).
It will also be lawful if the shares of all those who withdraw (either by
notice or owing to non-payment of premiums) from the mudarabah (established
for the takaful) during the period of subscription are returned to the
reserve, and likewise the shares of participants to whom takaful payments in
excess of their own contributions have been made.
|
Mudarabah on
Shari'ah Ruling
Q.
What is Mudarabah?
|
1. Mudarabah:
The term refers to a
form of business contract in which one party brings capital and the other
personal effort. The proportionate share in profit is determined by mutual
agreement. But the loss, if any, is borne only by the owner of the capital,
in which case the entrepreneur gets nothing for his labour. The financier is
known as ‘rabal-maal’ and the entrepreneur as ‘mudarib’. As a
financing technique adopted by Islamic banks, it is a contract in which all
the capital is provided by the Islamic bank while the business is managed by
the other party. The profit is shared in pre-agreed ratios, and loss, if any,
unless caused by negligence or violation of terms of the contract by the ‘mudarib’
is borne by the Islamic bank. The bank passes on this loss to the depositors.
2. Mudarabah:
We may act as managing
trustee (‘Modareb’) while you are the beneficial owner (Rab El-Maal). It is
our responsibility to invest the funds that you provide. Alternatively, our
roles may be reversed, when you, as managing trustee, are responsible for
investing our funds. In each case, we shall agree on our relative share of
any profits.
3. Mudarabah:
In the theoretical
model of Islamic banking Mudaraba has been suggested a technique which shall
provide the basis for the Islamic re-organisation of commercial banking
sector. In actual practice of Islamic banking, Mudaraba has not made much
progress on t he asset side of the balance sheet, although on the liability
side the Islamic banks on Mudaraba accept the funds in investment accounts.
Mudaraba is mostly translated in English as profit and loss sharing.
There is no loss
sharing in a Mudaraba contract. Profit and loss sharing is more accurate
description of the Musharaka contract. The Mudaraba contract may better be
represented by the expression profit sharing Mudaraba is an Islamic contract
in which one party supplies the money and the other provides management in
order to do a specific trade. The party supplying the capital is called owner
of the capital. The other party is referred to as worker or agent who
actually runs the business. In the Islamic Jurisprudence, different duties
and responsibilities have been assigned to each of these two.
As a matter of
principle the owner of the capital does not have a right to interfere in to
the management of the business enterprise which is the sole responsibility of
the Agent x. However, he has every right to specify such conditions that
would ensure better management of his money. That is why sometime Mudaraba is
referred as sleeping partnership. An important characteristic of Mudaraba is
the arrangement of profit sharing. The profits in a Mudaraba agreement may be
shared in any proportion agreed between the parties before hand. However, the
loss is to be completely borne by the owner of the capital. In case of loss,
the capital owner shall bear the monetary loss and agent shall lose the
reward of his effort. Mudaraba could be individual or joint.
Islamic banks practice
Mudaraba in its both forms. In case of individual Mudaraba an Islamic bank
provides finance to a commercial venture run by a person or a company on the
basis of profit sharing. The joint Mudaraba may be between the investors and
the bank on a continuing basis. The investors keep their funds in a special
fund and share the profits without even the liquidation of those financing
operations that have not reached the stage of final settlement. Many Islamic
Investment Funds operate on the basis of joint Mudaraba.
4. Mudarabah:
This is an agreement
made between two parties: one which provides ‘100 percent of the capital’ for
the project and another party known as a ‘Mudarib’ who using his
entrepreneurial skills, manages the project. Profits arising from the project
are distributed according to a predetermined ratio. Any losses accruing are
borne by the provider of capital. The provider of capital has no control over
the management of the project.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful
for the investor to seek from the contractor (agent-manager) payment of a
specific percentage of the contract (for the deal the agent-manager is to
undertake as his/her part of the mudarabah operation) in addition to (the
agreed upon return from) the capital invested? Regardless of the amount financed,
and regardless of whether the operation is profitable or not?
W.Q
Saudi Arabia |
A - Such a contract
will not be valid because it includes the agent-manager's liability for the
capital investment; when the agent-manager is no more than a trustee of the capital
and cannot be made liable for it unless he/she has been negligent or
incompetent in its use. Secondly, the investor's stipulating that the
agent-manager pay a certain amount; when such a condition invalidates the
contract because it means that the two partners will not share in the
profits.
|
|
Q - Where an
Islamic Bank owing to its position in the international banking community,
undertakes mudarabah operations in partnership with several other banks and
financial institutions, some of which are Islamic and some of which are not.
And that the bank serves as agent-manager for the group, using the funds they
invest to purchase goods and then sells them by means of murabahah, such that
the bank authorizes an international firm, as its agent, to purchase goods on
behalf of the bank by means of a murabahah sales contract with that company.
Is this permitted under the Shariah?
H.Y
Geneva |
A - The jurists of all
the major legal schools are agreed on the legitimacy of mudarabah
transactions. In this regard they cite texts from the Qur'an and the Sunnah. In
the Qur'an, the root for the word mudarabah, d-r-b, is used in a verse that
clearly indicates the lawfulness of trade: And others who go forth in the
earth, seeking the bounty of the Almighty (73:20). In the Sunnah, it is
related that Ibn 'Abbas said, "Our tribal leader, al 'Abbas ibn 'Abd al
Muttalib, whenever he paid money out in mudarabah, would stipulate to his
partner that he must not cross over water with his money, or make camp in a
dry riverbed, or buy a fractious mount with it. If his partner did any of
those things, he would be held personally responsible. When news of these
conditions reached the Prophet of Allah, upon him be peace, he endorsed
them."
Given the lawfulness
of mudarabah from a Shari'ah perspective, the Board sees no impediment to the
bank's purchasing goods on the international market with funds gathered from
other Islamic banks and financial institutions in partnership, and then its
assuming the responsibility of managing the operation (as agent-manager) as a
mudarabah in which it also participates as an investor, regardless of whether
its dealings are undertaken on a short or a long-term basis, or take the form
of either a sale of trust, such as murabahah, or an ordinary bargained sale.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful
for the bank to charge its client for consultative services ordered by the
bank for the study of a project's feasibility before investing in it with, or
for, its client by means of mudarabah?
M.A
Jordan |
A
- There is no legal impediment to taking payment from a client in return for
actual consultation presented to the bank in regard to the study and
evaluation of projects for mudarabah, musharakah, ijarah, etc. Services
performed after a contract has been signed, however, will be shared equally
by the client and the bank; except in regard to interest-free loans in which
case all fees will be paid by the client alone after the contract has been
signed.
|
|
Q - What is the
Shari'ah ruling in regard to the bank's paying zakah on the profits earned by
investors in mudarabah operations?
P.Z
Egypt |
A - There is no legal
impediment to the bank's paying zakah from the accounts of its investors so
long as it does so with the approval of investors who have authorized it in
writing to deduct their zakah portions from their investment accounts; either
from their profits or, if no profits are realized, then from the capital
investment itself.
|
|
Q - It is a
well-established fact in international economics that the greater the amount
of capital invested, the greater the profits that may be expected. Will it be
lawful, therefore, to combine the capital from two or more mudarabah
operations in a single investment vehicle, especially when the mudarabah
operations are managed by a single firm?
A.M
Cayman Islands |
A
- The Board sees no legal impediment to combining the capital from two or
more mudarabah operations in a single account that is maintained in
accordance with the Shari'ah of Islam, so long as the profits and losses are
distributed in proportion to the percentage of each shareholder's investment
in the mudarabah.
|
|
Q - To what extent
will it be lawful to include the following condition in a contract for an
investment savings account: The minimum daily balance acceptable for
participation in investment schemes will be one hundred Dinars. If the
balance falls below that amount, the account will become a regular current
account, and will no longer be subject to the rules for a mudarabah
investment.
R.H
France |
A - There is no legal
impediment to placing a minimum on the daily balance in the conditions of the
contract. If the balance falls below one hundred, the account will be treated
like an ordinary current account because a musharakah may be dissolved by means
of such a condition.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful to
transfer mudarabah contracts from one agent manager to another, when there is
an express or implicit approval for the same, and/or the transfer is agreed
to either, individually or collectively by the investing partners in their
capacity as the benefiting owners.
M.J
India |
A - It is lawful to
transfer mudarabah contracts in the light of the legal principle which states
that the agent-partner in mudarabah transactions may be engaged under the
following conditions:
a) The investors will
not have to pay for the second agent-partner brought in by the first. Rather
the two will share in the percentage of the profit specified for the first
agent-partner and agreed to by the investor(s).
b) Since the mudarabah
contract is not legally binding, it may be dissolved at will by either of the
contracting parties.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful
for the bank in a mudharabah sale transaction, to invest in one of its
accounts, a deposit (representing 5% of the value of the sale transaction)
paid in by the purchase pledger as a guarantee of payment.
M.S
USA |
A
- Such an investment is not lawful, regardless of whether the deposit is kept
in a current account or in an investment account. This is because the deposit
is a (the client's) guarantee against payment and, if it is to be invested,
it should be invested to the benefit of the client.
|
|
Q - Is the practice
of the bank lawful, in coming to an agreement with its clients on an amount
that will serve as a ceiling for their transactions over a specified period
of time. And within the framework of that agreement, dealings are undertaken
with the client by means of murabahah in which the amount of profit is
specified in advance of purchases, and on a deal to deal basis. Is this
practice in accordance with the Shariah?
S.A.O
Switzerland |
A
- There is no legal impediment of setting limits on the extent the bank is
willing to Finance a client in their original agreement, or to specify the
percentages of profit for each and every murabahah deal when the bank
receives the client's order, in the understanding that the order represents
the clients pledge to purchase. A pledge to buy, however, is not the same as
a sale, but rather a binding agreement to but at the time the sale is ready
to be completed.
|
|
Q - Will it be
lawful to distribute monthly or periodical profits to investors in long- term
mudarabah operations that will not yield returns until after the passing of
several years?
I.M
U.K |
A - There is no legal
impediment to an agent-manager's distribution of profits from long term mudarabah
operations to investors, by periodically paying investors in the for of
interest free loans guaranteed by their capital investments. The periods for
such payments may be determined by the agent manager. Furthermore the loans
will be debited at the final accounting of the profits.
|
|
Q - How is the
share of profits for each of the parties in a mudarabah operation to be
determined?
I.A
Sharjah, UAE |
A
- It is legally required that whatever is specified as profit for both the
bank (the agent-manager) and the investor (the bank's client) be for-mulaled
precisely from the joint share, that it be known to both parties, and that it
remain intact throughout the mudarabah operation period. Such a
determination, moreover, must be included in the mudarabah contract either at
the time it is entered into or when it is renewed. If the profit percentage
is to be changed in the future, prior notification of such a change must be
made, and a period of time must be set, the passing of which will be taken to
indicate the investors agreement to the change if he/she has not objected (to
it by that lime).
|
|
Q - Is it lawful
for the working partner in a mudharabah operation to sell the possessions of
the financing partner without seeking the permission of the partner?
I.N
India |
A - It is not lawful for the working partner in mudarabah to sell his own possessions in exchange for mudarabah money (that he is administering), regardless of whether those possessions are lar removed from the wealth of the (mudarabah financed) company (operation), or actually considered a part of it. It is likewise unlawful for the partner to buy merchandise from the mudarabah operation for himself. In both cases, however, if the financing partner gives special permission, the sale will be lawful. |
Murabaha on Shari'ah Ruling
Q. What is Murabaha?
|
1. Murabaha: (Cost-Plus Financing)
Sale on profit. Technically a
contract of sale in which the seller declares his cost and profit. This has
been adopted as a mode of financing by a number of Islamic banks. As a
financing technique, it involves a request by the client to the bank to purchase
a certain item for him. The bank does that for a definite profit over the
cost which is settled in advance. Some people have questioned the legality of
this financing technique because of its similarity to riba or
interest.
2. Murabaha:
A contract of sale between the bank
and its client for the sale of goods at a price plus an agreed profit margin
for the bank. The contract involves the purchase of goods by the bank which
then sells them to the client at an agreed mark-up. Repayment is usually in
instalments.
3. Murabaha:
Used if you wish to purchase
equipment or goods. We will purchase these items, and then sell them to you
at cost - plus a reasonable profit.
4. Murabaha:
Murabaha is the most popular and most
common mode of Islamic inancing. It is also known as Mark up or Cost plus
financing. The word Murabaha is derived from the Arabic word Ribh that means
profit. Originally, Murabaha was a contract of sale in which a ommodity is
sold on profit. The seller is obliged to tell the buyer his ost price and the
profit he is making. This contract has been modified a little for application
in the financial sectoIn its modern form Murabaha has become the single most
popular technique of financing amongst the Islamic banks all over the world.
It has been estimated that 80 to 90 percent of financial operations of some
Islamic banks belong to this category. The Murabaha mode of finance operates
in the following way: The client approaches an Islamic bank to get finance in
order to purchase a specific commodity. An interest-based bank would lend the
money on interest to this customer. The customer would go and buy the
required commodity from the market. This option is not available to the
Islamic bank, as it does not operate on the basis of interest. It can not
lend the money on interest. It can not lend money with zero interest rate, as
it has to make some money to stay in the business.
Some portion of total finance may be
offered as an interest free loan, however, the banking institutions have to
make profit in order to stay in business. Hence, what course of action is
open to the bank? The Murabaha model offers a solution. The bank purchases
the commodity on cash and sells it to the customer on a profit. Since the
client has no money, he buys the commodity on deferred payment basis. Thus,
the client got the commodity for which he wanted the finance and the Islamic
bank made some profit on the amount it had spent in acquiring the commodity.
There are a number of requirements f
or this transaction to be a real transaction to meet the Islamic standards of
a legal sale. The whole of Murabaha transaction is to be completed in two
stages. In the first stage, the client requests the bank to undertake a
Murabaha transaction and promises to buy the commodity specified by him, if
the bank acquires the same commodity. Of course, the promise is not a legal
binding. The client may go back on his promise and the bank risks the loss of
the amount it has spent. In the second stage, the client purchases the good
acquired by the bank on a deferred payments basis and agrees to a payment
schedule. Another important requirement of Murabaha sale is that two sale
contracts, one through which the bank acquires the commodity and the other
through which it sells it to the client should be separate and real
transactions.
The Murabaha form of financing is
being widely used by the Islamic banks to satisfy various kinds of financing
requirements. It is used to provide finance in various and diverse sectors e.
g. in consumer finance for purchase of consumer durable such as cars and
household appliances, in real estate to provide housing finance, in the
production sector to finance the purchase of machinery, equipment and raw
material etc. However, probably the most common and the most popular application
of Murabaha is in financing the short-term trade for which it is eminently
suitable. Murabaha contracts are also used to issue letters of credit and to
provide financing to import trade.
5. Murabaha:
(Cost-plus financing) This is a
contract sale between the bank and its client for the sale of goods at a
price which includes a profit margin agreed by both parties. As a financing
technique, it involves the purchase of goods by the bank as requested by its
client. The goods are sold to the client with a mark-up. Repayment, usually
in instalments is specified in the contract.
|
|
Q - I have observed that certain
banks operating in Saudi Arabia have incorporated clauses in their Murabaha
agreement that "In the event of default of payment, the customer will be
black-listed and his name circulated to all other banks operating in Saudi
Arabia. In accordance with the blacklisting rules the names will appear in
the blacklist for a certain period of time even if the customer arranges
settlement at a later date".
I feel that this will impose an
unnecessary burden on the customers even though they agree to the inclusion
of the clause in the Murabaha Agreement at the time of the execution. It is
said the terms and conditions should be just and fair relating to transaction
under the Shariah. I would like to know whether such conditions imposed in
Murabaha Agreement is permissible under the Shariah.
M.M.U
Saudi Arabia |
A - The problem of default in Islamic
banks has become very serious. In the interest-based loan system if the
debtor defaults the interest keeps on increasing automatically which serves
as a deterrent against default. But in the case of Islamic bank no extra
charge can be imposed after the due date. It is, therefore, suggested by some
circles that the defaulters should be blacklisted so that the apprehension of
being blacklisted may serve as a deterrent against wilful default. This is an
arrangement made on the basis of expedience which is not impermissible in
Shariah. Even if this arrangement is not expressly mentioned in the agreement
of Murabahah the government may act according to it. However, this should be
done only in cases of wilful defaults, but if the debtor has faced a genuine
hardship because of which he could not pay on time he must be given respite
as expressly mentioned by the Holy Quran. Moreover, this penalization should
not be exercised in cases where the debtor has paid shortly after the due
date. It is therefore advisable that blacklisting is resorted to after a
considerable time subsequent to the due date so that it may be ascertained
whether the default was wilful and without a genuine reason.
|
|
Q - What is the Shariah ruling with
regards to the purchase of a certain service and then its resale to a client?
For example, if the bank were to pay a contractor to finish a building, and
then sell the service to its client by means of murabaha payable in
installments?
A.M.A
Kuwait |
A - The sale of services by means of
murabahah as envisioned in the question is not lawful. Rather, what is lawful
is for the bank to complete the transaction as a contractor itself, or by
entering into a contract of manufacture (istisna)
|
|
Q - May the bank enter into a
murabahah transaction with a client who wishes to order the purchase of music
cassettes, such as those used by children in their play?
R.A
UK |
A - Aside from the differing opinions
on the question of the status of music in Islam, the Board's opinion is that
bank should not engage in such transactions in accordance with the legal
principle that legitimate means may be obstructed if it is feared that they
may lead to illegitimate ends.
|
|
Q - What is the Shari'ah viewpoint
concerning the purchase of tickets for travel and their resale, on a
murabahah basis, to clients, by means of a special arrangement between the
bank and the national (or any other) airline?
R.M
Malaysia |
A - It is lawful for the bank to
purchase tickets from an airline, and then to sell them on the basis of
murabahah to its clients, provided that the agreement between the bank and
the airline, and the details of how the transaction is to be carried out, are
scrutinized beforehand by the Fatwa Council of the bank before the plan is
implemented.
|
|
Q - What is the Shariah ruling in
regard to the opening of a letter of credit for the import of cigarettes, or
for its financing their purchase and sale through murabahah?
K.D
Malaysia |
A - In view of the differences of
opinion in regard to the ruling on smoking, and its prohibition, we will
advise the bank to refrain from all such equivocal transactions. The Prophet,
upon him be peace, said, "The lawful is self-evident, and the unlawful
is self-evident; but between the two lie matters of ambiguity not readily
understood by many people. Thus, those who avoid such matters will preserve
their religion and reputations. But those who become involved with the
ambiguous will (eventually) become involved with the unlawful." It
should therefore be clear that the bank should have nothing to do with the
likes of these dubious ventures.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful for the Islamic bank
to invest surplus funds in operations with other banks (sometimes called investment
accounts for banking operations) as a part of an initial agreement over the
expected profits, as determined by the market prices and the profit margin
agreed upon for murabahah sales, with the understanding that the deal will be
completed when the portfolio is finally evaluated.
A.M
Bahrain |
A. If the intent of the question is
that an agreement will be made over expected profits, i.e., as yet
unrealised, and that later on the matter will be settled on the basis of
actual profits (when the portfolio is evaluated), then this will not be
lawful. This is because jurists have resolved that profits will not appear
until they are ready to be divided after the initial capital investment is
recovered.
|
|
Q - May an Islamic bank finance the
purchase of shares of stock in a land investment company, or any other sort
of company that deals in lawful trade, by means of murabahah?
R.K
Nepal |
A - There seems to be no legal
impediment to the bank's purchasing shares and then selling them to a third
party by means of murabahah, if the company's cash assets are not in excess
of its material value, and on condition that the company's business is in no
way involved in the unlawful, such as usury, or intoxicants, or pork, or the
like.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful for the bank, when
it sells equipment to a company on the basis of murabahah, to add the costs
of installation to the selling price?
H.I
Saudi Arabia |
A - It is lawful for the bank to
conclude such a deal, provided that the price mentioned in the contract is
clearly described as the price of the equipment plus the costs of
installation.
|
|
Q - Some people have raised questions
concerning the lawfulness of murabahah sales on credit for a term because
these involve issues that resemble interest. They further question the
lawfulness of a credit sale to the buyer, on the basis of the following:
a) Such a transaction implies the
sale of something that is not in the possession of the seller;
b) There is a delay in exchange;
c) The transaction involves sales of
like for like, dollar for dollar, when the actual
sale is delayed; i.e., there is a mutual
exchange of identical currencies;
d) According to the Maliki school, it
is unlawful to stipulate the fulfilment of a promise in a contract of sale;
e) Such a sale involves a degree of
exaggeration, which is unlawful.
M.O.
UAE |
A - Murabahah sales are well known in
the Shariah and are lawful by consensus, whether they are conducted for cash
or credit. Moreover, the misgiving that murabahah involves interest, as a
sale on credit, is without basis, and the same is true of misgivings
concerning credit sales on terms.
The Committee affirms the resolution
of the Second Conference on Islamic Banking held in Kuwait in regard to the
murabahah sales and reservations about compulsion. The text of the resolution
follows:
"The conference resolves that a
mutually agreed upon promise to transact a murabahah sale to a buyer,
following purchase and possession of goods (by a bank) for a specified amount
of profit in accordance with a prior agreement is lawful, on condition that
the bank will be responsible for loss or damage before delivery, and what
accrues from the return of the merchandise if a return becomes necessary.
The promise and its binding nature
(to both the buyer and the bank) safeguard the transaction and brings it
stability, and therefore serves the interests of both. Thus, it is lawful for
the Bank to insist on such a promise, and every bank has the right to follow
the advice of its own Shariah board or supervisory body.
In response to those who harbour
doubts concerning the validity of murabahah sales to buyers, we will point
out the following:
1. This agreement does not involve or
imply a sale of something that one does not possess, because the agreement
made with the buyer is concluded after actual possession. In addition, there
is no agreement on the sale of what is not possessed.
2. Ownership of the commodity takes
place immediately upon either a cash or credit payment. Thus, there is no
question of a delay of exchange between the parties.
3. A usurious transaction of exchange
in a loan on interest takes place when like commodities are exchanged. A
lender, for example, will loan a hundred dollars for a certain period of time
and will receive in exchange a hundred and ten dollars. In a murabahah sale
on credit, however, the exchange is between unlike commodities, like goods
and cash. Therefore, how can a murabahah sale be compared to a usurious
transaction? It should further be noted that in a murabahah sale, even though
the profit is fixed, the seller may still suffer a loss if market prices
rise; and if market prices go down, the buyer may suffer a loss. All of this
is a function of supply and demand in regard to the commodity, rather than
the supply of and demand on cash.
4. The stipulation prohibited by the
Maliki school hinges on two points, and neither are present in the murabahah
sale described here:
(i) The person who provides the
commodity must be an owner of the capital sum;
(ii) The person requiring the
commodity must intend to benefit from its price rather than from the
commodity itself.
|
|
Q - This question relates to a
murabahah transaction, where the bank opens a letter of credit in favour of
the exporter but before shipment of the goods and payment. And the exporter
accepts the bank's offer, i.e indicating its (exporters) agreement to the
bank's opening a letter of credit and of the conditions (if any) accompanying
it. May such a letter of agreement be considered acceptance (qubul) on the
part of the exporter? Such that the transaction is complete? And, if this is
indeed the case, then will it be lawful for the bank to dispose of the
commodity as it wishes, by selling it, for example, to a purchase pledger,
and then sending it to him/her in his/her name directly? Or must the bank take
possession of the commodity and then deliver it to the purchase pledger?
Y.I
Sudan |
A - It is not recommended that the
bank take part in transactions in which the bank does not have a major role
to play. Rather, in order to avoid any detriment to itself, and in order to
avoid giving the impression that the bank's only role is as a bank roller,
the bank should work through an agent in matters of buying and selling. The
written agreement on (he part of the exporter to the offer and terms of the
bank may be considered express acceptance (qubul). Then when both the offer
and acceptance lake place, the transaction will be complete. The bank has no
right to sell the commodity to the purchase pledger or anyone else before it
receives payment from him/her or his/her agent. The commodity may not be
shipped to the purchase pledger or to any other before (he bank enters into a
contractual agreement with them.
|
|
Q - What is the Shariah ruling with
regards to a bank seeking Kafalah (surety) from a purchase orderer in
murabahah sales, guaranteeing the safe arrival of goods in working and
acceptable condition?
Z.H
UK |
A - Kafalah (surety) is lawful from a
Shariah perspective because it is a voluntary sort of contract, and may be
entered into before any right is established. In this case, the surety given
will be as a guarantee against loss.
|
|
Q - Is it lawful for the bank to
purchase goods from a seller, a third party for the purpose of selling those
goods to the bank's client, the second party, by means of murabahah, and then
have the bank authorise the second party to take delivery of the goods from
the third party directly?
A.Z
U.K |
A - It is lawful for the bank to
purchase goods from a third party in order to resell the same lo its client
by means of a muabahah sale. After the goods have been sold lo the client,
the second party, the bank may authorise its client to take delivery of the
goods from the third party, but only after the goods have been sold to the
bank and the hank has taken legal possession of them such that the goods have
become the bank's responsibility. If however such legal possession has not
taken place, and the bank has not become liable for the goods, it will not be
lawful. This is because the Prophet of Allah, upon him be peace, prohibited
one from prohibiting from that for which one is not liable.
|
|
Q - What is the Shariah ruling in
regard to the Murabaha project for gold mining?
U.M
Kuwait |
A - This project is unacceptable
because it includes the sale of gold on credit, and in addition does not
specify a dale of delivery. Under the circumstances, other alternatives
should be studied by the bank; including the establishment of a joint stock
company with shares representing material assets, thereby allowing
shareholders to earn profits from the mining of gold.
|
|
Q - Charitable organisations
generally present charitable projects to those desirous of assisting them and
of establishing charitable trusts for Muslims. Examples of such projects are
the digging of wells in African villages, or building mosques, or the
printing and free distribution of books or the Qur'an, and the like. Is it
lawful for a company to purchase these charitable services, and then sell
them, through Murabahah sales, to persons who want to buy them, the main aim
being to make a profit?
A.B
Bahrain |
A - What may lawfully be possessed
may lawfully be bought or sold; as the possessions of an individual or a
group of individuals may be disposed of by the owner or owners as he or they
please; like the digging of a well, and the like. Moreover, what may not
lawfully be possessed may not lawfully be bought or sold, like a mosque, or
land bequeathed as a religious endowment, or a similarly bequeathed well, or
anything else that may not be bought or sold.
|
|
Q - What is the Shari'ah ruling in
regard to tawarruq? What is our responsibility in regard to a person who
deals with the Finance House in short term credit and murabahah sales in the
trade in which he normally deals, like furniture. This patron came to the
Finance House and evinced his desire to make a murabahah purchase of a
quantity of cement owing to the rapidity with which it can be resold, as he
desired to sell it (quickly) and then make use of the cash for his other
mercantile needs.
U.M
Dubai |
A - In the terminology of fiqh, tawarruq is a stratagem for generating cash, when goods are purchased on a deferred payment, and then sold for less than the agreed price. Thus, the buyer goes into the deal knowing that he will lose, but accounting the cash worth the loss. Among the classical schools of fiqh, the only one to approve of such a transaction was the Hanbali school. There is no legal bar to this form of sale, though certain scholars have disliked it, particularly if someone habituates this sort of transaction. |
|
Q - What would be the ruling where a
bank was offered a deal to purchase a brick factory, including what was owed
to the factory and what it owed. The purpose of this procedure was that the
Bank would later sell the factory in a Murabahah sale.
All the conditions in the transaction
that were required to protect our rights were fulfilled.But the one
difficulty that remained in the process was that the factory was being held
as security for a debt, and that it would remain as such until the bank took
possession of it. What would be the Shariah boards decision in this case?
M.N
Kuwait |
A - From a Shari'ah perspective, you
are not permitted to buy other than what is actually present in the factory.
Its financial responsibilities do not enter into the deal. If the physical
plant, however, is pledged as security, the sale is permitted and the pledge
will continue in the interests of the pledgee.
|
|
Q - In regard to murabahah sales,
documents will be handed over to the purchaser so as to enable him to take
delivery of the merchandise. At times, there will be demurrage charges on the
merchandise, or a fine that is to be paid to customs owing to a delay in
clearing the merchandise. My question is, who is to pay the fine? The
purchaser, or the Finance House?
U.B
Bahrain |
A - If the fine was brought about
owing to a shortcoming on the part of the seller, the Finance House, then it
will be responsible for paying the demurrage. If it was brought about by the
buyer, however, he will be responsible.
|
Musharakah
on shari'ah Ruling
Q.
What is Musharakah?
|
1. Musharakah:
The term refers to a
financing technique adopted by Islamic banks. It is an agreement under
which the Islamic bank provides funds which are mingled with the funds of the
business enterprise and others. All providers of capital are entitled
to participate in the management but not necessarily required to do so.
The profit is distributed among the partners in predetermined ratios, while
the loss is borne by each partner in proportion to his contribution.
2. Musharaka
(Partnership Financing):
This is a classical
partnership agreement. All parties involved contribute to towards the
financing of a venture. The parties share profits on a pre-agreed ratio while
losses are shared according to each parties equity participation. Here again
the reason is because in Islam, one cannot loose what they did not
contribute. Management of the venture is carried out by all, some, or just
one party member.
3. Musharaka (Joint
Venture)
We add our funds to
your funds, and participate in the equity of the project. We share profits
and losses in direct proportion to our contributions.
4. Musharaka:
Musharaka is another
popular techniques of financing used by Islamic banks. It could roughly be
translated as partnership. In this technique two or more financiers provide
finance for a project. All partners are entitled to a share in the profits
resulting from the project in a ratio which is mutually agreed upon. However,
the losses, if any, are to be shared exactly in the proportion of capital
proportion. All partners have a right to participate in the management of the
project. However, the partners also have a rig ht to waive the right of
participation in favour of any specific partner or person.
5. Permanent
Musharaka:
In this form of
Musharaka an Islamic bank participates in the equity of a project and
receives a share of profit on a pro rata basis. The period of contract is not
specified. So it can continue so long as the parties concerned wish it to
continue. This technique is suitable for financing projects of a longer life
where funds are committed over a long period and gestation period of the
project may also be long.
6. Diminishing
Musharaka:
Diminishing Musharaka
allows equity participation and sharing of profit on a pro rata basis but
also provides a method through which the equity of the bank keeps on reducing
its equity in the project and ultimately transfers the ownership of the asset
on of the participants. The contract provides for a payment over and above
the bank share in the profit for the equity of the project held by the bank.
That is the bank gets a dividend on its equity. At the same time the
entrepreneur purchases some of its equity. Thus, the equity held by the bank
is progressively reduced. After a certain time the equity held b y the bank
shall come to zero and it shall cease to be a partner. Musharaka form of
financing is being increasingly used by the Islamic banks to finance domestic
trade, imports and to issue letters of credit. It could also be applied in
agriculture and Industry.
7. Musharaka
(Venture Capital):
This Islamic financing
technique refers to a partnership between two parties, who both provide
capital towards the financing of a project. Both parties share profits on a
pre- agreed ratio, but losses are shared on the basis of equity
participation. Management of the project is carried out by both the parties.
|
|
Q - Will it be
lawful for a company lo enter into a musharakah for a business enterprise
with an interest-based bank when there is an understanding that business will
be conducted in a manner that conforms to the principles of the Shariah?
H.A
London, U.K |
A - There is no legal
impediment into entering into a musharakah with an interest-based bank for
the purpose of conducting lawful business. The evidence for the legitimacy of
this opinion is that the Prophet of Allah himself, upon him peace be peace,
is known lo have done business with the Jews, and they dealt with interest.
Except that the Prophets dealings with them were confined only lo lawful
transactions in which interest was not involved. After him, his Companions
did the same.
|
|
Q - When a bank
agrees to enter into a musharakah with one of its clients for the purchase
and sale of goods, will it be necessary for the bank to deposit a cash amount
as its share of the capital investment at the time the contract is signed? Or
will it be lawful for it to deposit the capital as the need arises?
S.U
Bahrain |
A - When the agreement
is made between the bank and its client to enter into a musharakah for the
purchase and sale of goods, and the amount of capital to be invested (by both
parties) is determined, this will be the same as a mutual promise to enter
into a partnership. A partnership, however, will not be legal until both
parties have actually paid their shares of the capital. Thereafter, all
accounting for profits and losses will be based on the percentage of the
amounts actually invested by each of the partners.
|
|
Q - Will it be
lawful for the bank to present letters of surety in return for its receiving
a percentage of profits? The letter of surety will be issued for the
musharakah accounts, and may be considered a part of the bank's share in the
capital investments. Will all of this be lawful?
S.J
Turkey |
A
- The bank may not lawfully present letters of surety and then consider its
doing so a part of its share of the capital investment in a musharakah. This
is because surety indicates a readiness to lend, and a loan may not be used
for the capital invested in a musharakah because a loan is a debt. So a
readiness to lend is even less acceptable. Moreover, if an exporter seeks a
letter of surety for a share of profits from a musharakah, he will be taking
a fee for the surety. Whereas the Jurists have said, and this has become a
legal principle, that it is not lawful to take a fee for a letter of surety.
Therefore, it will not be lawful to consider a letter of surety an instrument
of the banks financing a musharakah.
|
|
Q - Is it possible
to securitise a musharakah transaction?
J.O
Saudi Arabia |
A - Musharakah is a
mode of financing which can be securitized easily, especially, in the case of
big projects where huge amounts are required which a limited number of people
cannot afford to subscribe. Every subscriber can be given a musharakah
certificate which represents his proportionate ownership in the assets of the
musharakah, and after the project is started by acquiring substantial
non-liquid assets, these musharakah certificates can be treated as negotiable
instruments and can be bought and sold in the secondary market.
However, trading in
these certificates is not allowed when all the assets of the musharakah are
still in liquid form (i.e. in the shape of cash or receivables or advances
due from others). It must be noted that subscribing to a musharakah is
different from advancing a loan. A bond issued to evidence a loan has nothing
to do with the actual business undertaken with the borrowed money. The bond
stands for a loan repayable to the holder in any case, and mostly with
interest. The musharakah certificate, on the contrary, represents the direct
pro rata ownership of the holder in the assets of the project. If all the assets
of the joint project are in liquid form, the certificate will represent a
certain proportion of money owned by the project.
|
Comments
Post a Comment